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HomeMy WebLinkAboutAgenda - Mail Packet - 10/18/2022 - Council Finance Committee Agenda - October 20, 2022Finance Administration
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AGENDA
Council Finance & Audit Committee
October 20, 2022
4:00 - 6:00 pm
Zoom Meeting https://zoom.us/j/8140111859
Approval of Minutes from the September 1, 2022, Council Finance Committee meeting.
1. East Mulberry Potential Annexation:
Opportunities & Tradeoffs 30 mins. R. Everette
2.2023 Utility Rate Increases 40 mins. L. Smith
3. Supplemental Appropriation:
Meter Data Management 20 mins. A. Bromley
4.Utilities Income-Qualified Assistance Program Structure
30 mins. H. Young
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Council Finance Committee
Agenda Planning Calendar 2022
RVSD 10/11/22 ts
Oct. 20th 2022
East Mulberry Potential Annexation: Opportunities & Tradeoffs 30 min R. Everette
2023 Utility Rate Increases 40 min L. Smith
Supplemental Appropriation: Meter Data Management 20 min A. Bromley
Utilities Income-Qualified Assistance Program Structure 30 min H. Young
Nov. 3rd 2022
9/11 Memorial at Spring Park 30 min N. Bodenhamer
Sustainable Funding - Transit 30 min D. Brooks
Sustainable Funding - Climate 30 min L. Ex
H. Depew
General Employee Retirement Plan (GERP) Annual Report 30 min B. Dunn
Dec. 1st 2022
Financial Policy Updates 30 min B. Dunn
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Page 3 of 327
Finance Administration
215 N. Mason
2nd Floor
PO Box 580
Fort Collins, CO 80522
970.221.6788
970.221.6782 - fax
fcgov.com
Finance Committee Meeting Minutes
September 1, 2022, 4-6 pm
Zoom
Council Attendees: Julie Pignataro, Kelly Ohlson, Emily Francis, Shirley Peel
Staff: Kelly DiMartino, Travis Storin, Tyler Marr, Rupa Venkatesh, Carrie Daggett,
Caryn Champine, Monica Martinez, Teresa Roche, Drew Brooks, Blaine Dunn,
Ginny Sawyer, Megan Valliere, Jen Poznanovic, Nina Bodenhamer, Randy Bailey,
Trevor Nash, Renee Reeves, Jo Cech, Molly Reeves, Lindsay Ex, Honore Depew,
Gerry Paul, Josh Birks, Seve Ghose, Mike Calhoon, Victoria Shaw, LeAnn
Williams, Sylvia Tatman-Burruss, Erik Martin, Lawrence Pollack, Lance Smith,
John Phelan, Javier Echeverria, Dave Lenz, Sheena Freve, Zack Mozer,
Carolyn Koontz
Others: Kevin Jones, Chamber
Molly Bohannon, Coloradoan
Daniel Guimond, Emily Gallichotte, Rachel Selby
Jason Miller, Fehr & Peers Transportation
______________________________________________________________________________
Meeting called to order at 4:00 pm
Approval of minutes from the August 1, 2022, Council Finance Committee Meeting. Kelly Ohlson moved for approval
of the minutes as presented. Emily Francis seconded the motion. Minutes were approved unanimously via roll call
by; Julie Pignataro, Kelly Ohlson and Emily Francis
A. Sustainable Funding Update
Ginny Sawyer, Sr. Project Manager
Jennifer Poznanovic, Sr. Revenue Manager
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The purpose of this item is to further refine possible new revenue models and to seek direction on best use of
the upcoming December Work Session on revenue.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
1. Does CFC want to recommend or eliminate any of the models presented?
2. Does CFC agree with proposed Work Session direction and questions?
3. What additional information should be included at the Work Session in December?
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BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
Over the past several years, masterplan developments and updates have identified clear funding needs in the
areas of parks and recreation, transit, and housing. Along with these needs and the criticality of the City climate
action goals, Council Finance Committee has asked for climate funding needs to be included in funding
conversations. Annual shortfalls range from six to twelve million per area.
Funding needs identified and discussed previously include:
• Parks & Recreation - $8 to $12M annual shortfall (Parks & Recreation Master Plan)
• Transit - $8M to $10M annual shortfall (Transit Master Plan)
• Housing - $8M to $9.5M annual shortfall (Housing Strategic Plan)
• Climate - $6M+ annual shortfall (Our Climate Future Plan)
Staff continues to work with CFC to further refine both the needs and the potential funding mechanisms to close
the gaps. This work includes on-going Council Finance meetings, Work Sessions with the full Council, developing
an engagement plan, and ultimate implementation.
Discussions and feedback to date have highlighted a desire to:
• Clearly define and articulate revenue needs and level of service considerations.
• Thoroughly research funding options including impacts and the context of existing and potential new tax
measures (local and regionally.)
• Work to keep overall resident impact and tax burden as low as possible.
• Consider existing dedicated tax renewals and associated election timelines in a strategic manner.
Timeline:
To date:
• December 2021:
o Begin discussions on identified funding gaps.
• January 2022:
o Deeper dive with CFC on the projected gaps in each area.
• March 2022:
o Meet with CFC to review all possible revenue mechanisms.
• April 2022:
o Full Council work session to review work to date.
• June 2022:
o CFC to discuss most feasible funding mechanisms and targeted funding amounts.
• September 2022:
o CFC to refine various funding models and considerations for addressing gaps and seek direction on
the best use of the December Council Work Session.
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Future:
• Refine acceptable funding mechanisms and how to direct funding.
• Determine election cycle for which, if any, any voter approved mechanisms.
• Engagement efforts.
Potential Funding Mechanisms
Numerous potential funding mechanisms have been discussed with CFC. Of those discussed previously, sales tax,
property tax and excise taxes have emerged as the most feasible. The table below demonstrates the potential
revenue gain along with any annual impact to residents.
The mechanisms above include both taxes and fees. Taxes require voter approval and can be used for any public
purpose authorized by City Council. Fees do not require voter approval and they can only be imposed on those
likely to benefit from the service funded with the fee.
Targeted Funding Option Considerations
In June, staff drafted five scenarios which targeted a diversity of funding sources totaling amounts between
$10M and $40M. These scenarios were not intended to be final or recommended options. They were intended
to demonstrate the flexibility and variable means and ways to add additional revenue to cover the identified
gaps. CFC supported potential revenue ranges of $25 to $35M.
From those five models, three are included in these materials. Total revenue amounts vary from $25M to $34M
with anticipated impacts to residents ranging from $95 annually to $215 annually. The models focus on property
tax, sales tax, excise tax, and a possible user fee.
The potential of an emitter tax/fee has not been included but will be added as a policy question to a future CFC
meeting.
Staff has also included information for consideration on which funding mechanisms may be best targeted to
particular funding needs.
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PROPOSED NEXT STEPS
• Council Work Session December 13, 2022.
• February CFC meeting to review and discuss election cycles.
• Schedule additional conversation on carbon incentives/penalties?
DISCUSSION / NEXT STEPS
Julie Pignataro; when will the carbon tax be discussed?
Travis Storin; I don’t have it on a Council Finance Committee agenda; however, we have time in December. Staff
would like to consider the large emitter fee as a separate project. We previously reviewed with the committee,
the 4 large emitters that meet the EPA standard of 25,000 metric tons or more. We only have decent and
measurable emissions data on those 4 entities. Our analysis to date seems to indicate that this is not a robust
revenue opportunity.
Julie Pignataro; originally we estimated it could be $2M which is the lowest threshold for this exercise. Do you
think it is less?
Travis Storin; it is very difficult for us to estimate. I don’t know how sharp the $2M number is.
Also, there is the legal requirement to consider that fees benefit the rate payer.
Honore Depew; I agree with Travis’ assessment. I would add in that one of the four entities (the landfill) is
located outside city limits so they would not be eligible for the fee. Some of the considerations that came
forward in discussion were around diminishing rate of returns,
as they reduce their emissions, the funding source goes away. Mitigation strategies, there is no clear way to
impose the fee on anyone who is under that annual 25,000 metric ton threshold.
Emily Francis; I think this committee gave clear direction that we wanted this to be included.
I don’t agree with staff’s decision to not include it in the discussion today. My preference would be that this
comes back to Council Finance Committee before it goes to Council in December.
Travis Storin; I apologize if that is a miss - I see some flexibility in the agenda for the November meeting and
could bring this back as a dedicated topic and bring it back into the overall portfolio-based discussion. I
apologize for making it a separate work stream.
Julie Pignataro; I would say yes, I want to learn more about it, and I think Emily and Kelly want to learn more as
well.
Kelly Ohlson; I am lacking enthusiasm for any new revenue sources beyond the renewal of the expiring taxes.
We gave clear direction, but we don’t have the large emitter fee or carbon tax included in these materials.
(was showing in materials as $11M not $2M). We should look at an emitter fee instead of just a large emitter
fee which would include only 2-3 entities. I am not buying the staff line that we have no way of doing that if
they are less than 25,000 metric tons. We can measure what natural gas, electricity, etc. are being used.
We can figure that out and staff or a consultant can come up with a formula for an emitter’s fee or tax. I believe
there are ways we can broaden it to an emitter fee that will have real impact on air quality and climate with the
money generated going to programs, including some that could help some of those companies do better.
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We want to see more information on this We can measure accurately enough to come up with people owe.
Community Carbon Inventory - slide #13 (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; I have a question on the PRPA – it says PRPA is committed to 100% renewable electricity
by 2030. I thought they were going to have natural gas generators, etc. I just want to make sure that
is accurate. I thought there were some asterisks on that statement that they are committed by 2030.
ACTION ITEM: Could someone confirm and clarify the above?
It is surprising to me that the things we eliminated as options off the table were mostly dealing with
business and the things we kept deal with residents. After I thought through it, I am not for switching
a tax over to a fee for street maintenance freeing up another ¼ cent sales tax, but that fee would be
the same no matter what the value of the house so that actually seems more regressive than a sales
tax. I think the Council might want to try to zoom in closer to the $20-30M range.
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Considerations - slide #9 (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; Property tax $11-14M - the chart showed 3 mils as the highest and that was $11M
So, is the $14M because that was including both residential and commercial?
Ginny Sawyer; I think the other charts state 3 mils. If we did more than 3 mils, I can’t remember if it is
4 or 5 mils that would take it to $14M.
Kelly Ohlson; did we codify that more people are going to be able to quality for the sales tax rebate?
There was agreement on this committee that income levels would be broadened, and we took steps to
make it easier and to track.
Travis Storin; that code change is scheduled to come to Council on October 18th
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What Could Dedicated Housing Revenue Fund? Affordable Housing - slide #12 (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; What does ‘New construction costs’ under examples above mean?
ACTION ITEM:
Travis Storin; we may need to follow up on that later in writing as far as specific interventions as we
don’t have staff on hand from Social Sustainability to address the specific techniques they proposed.
Kelly Ohlson; I am interested in and am open to renewing taxes that expire in 2025. I am not big on
excise taxes but will remain open.
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Mechanics & Considerations - slide #22 (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; Capital Expansion Fees are very fair, proven and court defended at every level. On the
right side above ‘Reconfigured fees do not fall within the current standard models for capital expansion
fees.’
Travis Storin; in an overview, when we go to develop what the fees are, our fee schedules – it is all
based on costs, and we have a fairly wide latitude on what we define for the cost recovery that we are
seeking when we price out a fee. Council has quite a bit of flexibility and when we come back in the
Spring of 2024 with a fee update, we would have the latitude to price in infrastructure replacement
into a fee, essentially reconfiguring the Capital Expansion fee program which right now exists to build
new assets and my understanding from Legal has been that if we are defining the costs to be recovered
quantitatively within our pricing models, then we can set the fee to incorporate, for example, parks
asset management.
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Fort Collins Net Taxable Sales - (slide #26) see above
Kelly Ohlson; reiterates what we predicted years ago, in the year 2000 we had approximately 65%
share. This shows why the over reliance on sales tax not a good idea
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Colorado City Full Stack – Sales Tax Rates - (slide #25) see above
Kelly Ohlson; our rates would have to get really high – as other communities dropped from 65 to 48
which is a 17% decline from 2000-2021 because as shopping increased in Loveland and Windsor – we
weren’t the only show in town.
Travis Storin; that is consistent with our interpretation as a staff. As you see developments such as
Centerra and Costco go up in other communities, which we refer to as leakage which has been a fairly
consistent trend, particularly within the last 10 years. While it is probably true that Fort Collins is the
employment center of northern Colorado, it is decreasingly the economic and commerce center. We
watch this very closely for the very diversification reasons you mentioned.
Kelly Ohlson; by our next discussion, I would like to see data for Aurora and Loveland – two relevant
date points.
ACTION ITEM
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Colorado City & County Tax Rates by Population (slide 24) see above
Kelly Ohlson; why that order?
Ginny Sawyer; it is by population
Travis Storin; this is a way to benchmark against what other communities of similar size are doing and
is there tolerance among the population for additional taxation.
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Emily Francis; in the models that we did with excise tax. What is that based on?
Jen Poznanovic; based on Marijuana – Front Range 3-5% range for an additional excise tax
Across the Front Range, it is typically more in the 5% range for an additional excise tax.
Emily Francis; have we seen any impact on the gray market?
Travis Storin; Jim Lenderts from Police Services, our Marijuana Enforcement Officer, it has been his
assessment that it has not made a substantial impact on gray or black-market activities. I know that
Jim would be more than happy to join any future Council or committee discussion to provide more
insight into the judgements and criteria used in making that assessment. He has found that to be a
common misconception.
Emily Francis; think it would be helpful for Council to have more information about that and the
impacts it has had at the December Work Session
ACTION ITEM:
Emily Francis; we talked about the redoing of Capital Improvement won’t take place until later, but we
also talked about housing size being related. There was supposed to be a follow up - when could we
expect to hear more on that?
Travis Storin; I need to revisit the timeline and will do so during this meeting. Can be challenging with
the two-year schedule that we have for fee updates, and we lost our way a bit in 2020 due to Covid
Currently, we do index our fees to square footage to an extent and that would be something that
would be scoped into the Council Finance discussion – what is that spread across the different square
footage in the residential space.
ACTION ITEM:
Emily Francis; I believe John Duval attended that meeting and we discussed our ability to increase that
spread so we had a higher percentage going to larger homes – I think Legal was looking into that.
Carrie Daggett; we will work with Travis and follow up – and get information back to Council.
ACTION ITEM:
Emily Francis; How much work are we doing with impact for different income levels – one model is $95
per resident - is that blanket or what is you fall within certain AMI ranges
Jen Poznanovic; that is the average, and it has not yet vetted for the different income level
Emily Francis; can we have that for the December Work Session?
Travis Storin; yes we can do that- strategize across income bands – what does it mean on an income
basis – is it a flat dollar amount?
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Emily Francis; my feedback on the models is that I don’t like user fees.
It feels kind of like a bait and switch and has an unfair impact. Street maintenance – everyone uses
streets in a different way. I don’t’ agree with how we are doing that. If there is a way where if you use
this more you pay a fee. I wouldn’t support a user fee-unless there is some way we can tie it to actual
use.
Julie Pignataro; Can we recommend or eliminate any of these models? Are the pieces
interchangeable?
Travis Storin; they are highly interchangeable
Julie Pignataro; I feel like that first question is a bit limiting – what we land on - these are the three
models that Finance Committee recommends knowing that the seven Councilmembers will all have
very different opinions. This is going to be a huge educational item – explaining what the different fees
and taxes are.
Ginny Sawyer; do we adjust these models before December especially because you plan to talk about
carbon emission in November – we could explain what a user fee is, but we could also present options
without user fees since we are not hearing a lot of support for that now. We could broaden the
discussion … more of if you have questions
Julie Pignataro; my suggestions is that we come to Council with three models and say this is what the
Council Finance Committee recommends. The model that did not include user fees could be one
potential option. Almost like we rate the models and give the rest of council the ability to discuss and
pick and choose as they want.
Julie Pignataro; why did you end of bringing these three models? I didn’t feel like it reflected our
conversations.
Ginny Sawyer; at the last meeting, we had a total of five models, so we eliminated two and those were
in the lower category of $0-10M. My recollection is that you indicated you wanted to seek more
revenue than that, so we brought models that were in the $25-34M revenue range.
Julie Pignataro; I didn’t associate the components of one model with that lower bracket.
There may have been components in the lower models that I liked more but they were not carried over
into the new models
The old models are included in the back up starting at slide 20
Julie Pignataro; what are we hoping to come out of the December work session with?
An answer or a feeling?
Ginny Sawyer; an answer would be great, but a feeling is a good goal.
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Travis Storin; staff is very grateful for the volume of agenda time this committee has dedicated to this
topic. You are right, this is inherently gooey – the intersection of municipal finance and policy making
is a difficult iterative thing. Even directional guidance in December is immensely helpful for us.
I would anticipate us seeking a similar tone and tenor with the full council as we have had at these
committee meetings with these topics.
Julie Pignataro; what is missing to give us more concrete decisions?
Ginny Sawyer: maybe what we try to get at is….
Does everyone agree user fees are off the table?
Do people think a property tax is a possibility some time in the next three -five years?
Do we think a dedicated tax may be a good mechanism and acceptable?
If we can find some things to really focus on as a mechanism because the amounts can change.
Maybe new revenue isn’t something we are that interested in so we can adjust those numbers too.
We still have a lot of those different levers and decisions to make as we go through this.
Julie Pignataro; I like that a lot – it would be very worthwhile to be candid as we are talking about each
option – for example - If we do this then we won’t be able to get more than $10M.
I agree with what Kelly said that a lot of the business stuff came off and it went heavy on the individual
community member – that could just be perception. I am against user fees as well. Excise tax I do see
similarly to the carbon and large emitter fee - kind of like a tax on cigarettes- you want someone to
change their behaviors
Would an excise tax on marijuana exclude medical marijuana?
Travis Storin; would be at Council’s discretion as to what goes on the ballot
Jen Poznanovic; right now, we do tax medical marijuana
Julie Pignataro; Might be good to know the percentage that goes to medical versus recreational
Jen Poznanovic; medical marijuana is a very small percentage – recreational is by far the vast majority
of our revenue.
Kelly Ohlson; in our follow ups in Police Services
I would like to see legitimate sources regarding the impact on the gray and black markets in a
summary. I also would like to see what our current taxes are on liquor, beer, and wine for comparison.
On the user fees I am ok if we get the porridge just right but not sure how we do that.
Street maintenance or parks is per household not resident.
Travis Storin; it is done by household and is billed via utility bills
Kelly Ohlson; point of clarification; Community Capital Improvement Plan (CCIP) expires in 2025
I am open to rethinking and redoing that- ¼ cent for these priorities. It served its purpose in one and
two.
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those aren’t continuing things they are primarily capital – if that is a ¼ cent that can be repurposed for
these things - count me in
2030 – ¼ cent – used to be .85 KFCG then 60% was rolled on to forever
Then there is another ¼ cent that is a floater and that is money that we can’t dismiss even it if is
currently funding some things we could redirect to these priorities
Repurposing BOB2 and rethinking in 2030 the .25 KFCG
What we take to the full Council – as much of the refined stuff
Emily Francis; if this is going to come back to us in November – I would request the follow-ups then.
Travis Storin;
Summary
• Clarity that we do want the large emitter fee incorporated into this discussion. Challenge for
creativity around - if we can’t measure those under 25K emissions then we need to think about
other units of measure
• Request for clarification around PRPA’s 100% renewable energy goal
• Utility Rates adjustments are coming to Council Finance in November
• Concern over shift from business to residents
• Aversion to user fees due to their regressive nature
• Seeking clarity of the definition of household versus resident as it pertains to fees
• Incorporate Aurora and Loveland
• Additional source citation on grey and black-market activity in marijuana market as well as data on
taxes from liquor, beer, and wine.
• Delineate more quantitative between medical and recreational marijuana
• From CAO - fees more dispersed by square footage
• Stratify the tax impact across different resident income levels
• As we move forward to Council in December – we will be clear that the presentation does not
necessarily mean endorsement by the Council Finance Committee rather this is the current state of
our iterations – not perfect – but ready for discussion.
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• Rank ordering the models
Kelly Ohlson; re: Clarity that we do want the large emitter fee incorporated into this discussion – other
units of measure
3 potential options;
1. Large emitters
2. Emitter fee in general – broadening the emitter fee - focusing on top 100-150 (who are the top
100?)
3. A wiser policy for Carbon Tax
Travis Storin; referring to Denver’s ¼ cent with use restricted to climate initiatives.
B. Annual Adjustment Ordinance
Lawrence Pollack, Budget Director
Travis Storin, Chief Financial Officer
First Reading of Ordinance No. , 2022,
Making Supplemental Appropriations and Authorizing Transfers of Appropriations in Various City Funds.
First Reading of Ordinance No. , 2022,
Appropriating Prior Year Reserves in Various City Funds.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The purpose of these Annual Adjustment Ordinances is to combine dedicated and unanticipated revenues or
reserves that need to be appropriated before the end of the year to cover the related expenses that were not
anticipated and therefore, not included in the 2022 annual budget appropriation. The unanticipated revenue is
primarily from fees, charges, rents, contributions, and grants that have been paid to City departments to offset
specific expenses.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
• What questions or feedback does the Council Finance Committee have on the 2022 Annual Adjustment
Ordinance?
• Does the Council Finance Committee support moving forward with bringing the 2022 Annual Adjustment
Ordinance to the full City Council?
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
These Ordinances appropriate unanticipated revenue and prior year reserves in various City funds and
authorizes the transfer of appropriated amounts between funds and/or projects. The City Charter permits the
City Council to appropriate unanticipated revenue received as a result of rate or fee increases or new revenue
sources, such as grants and reimbursements. The City Charter also permits the City Council to provide, by
ordinance, for payment of any expense from prior year reserves. Additionally, it authorizes the City Council to
transfer any unexpended appropriated amounts from one fund to another upon recommendation of the City
Manager, provided that the purpose for which the transferred funds are to be expended remains unchanged;
the purpose for which they were initially appropriated no longer exists; or the proposed transfer is from a fund
or capital project account in which the amount appropriated exceeds the amount needed to accomplish the
purpose specified in the appropriation ordinance.
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If these appropriations are not approved, the City will have to reduce expenditures even though revenue and
reimbursements have been received to cover those expenditures.
The table below is a summary of the expenses in each fund that make up the increase in requested
appropriations. Also included are transfers between funds and/or projects which do not increase net
appropriations, but per the City Charter, require City Council approval to make the transfer. A table with the
specific use of prior year reserves appears at the end of the AIS.
A. GENERAL FUND
1. Security Classes provided by Emergency Preparedness and Security (EPS)
Revenue collected from security class participants is intended to help offset the cost of providing security
training from FRCC for a 3-day Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) class in April and a 5-
Day CPTED training in August 2022. This request includes revenue collected between December 2021 - July
2022 and helps offset all class incurred expenses for 2022. This model uses initial investment to prime the pump,
using collected fees to supplement ongoing training.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves (2021 class revenue) $13,621
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue $14,290
FOR: Security Classes $27,911
2. Land Bank Operational Expenses
This request is intended to cover expenses related to the land bank property maintenance needs for 2022. Since
expenses vary from year to year, funding is requested annually mid-year to cover these costs. Expenses in 2022
include general maintenance of properties, raw water and sewer expenses, electricity, repairs, and other as
applicable.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves (Land Bank reserve) $2,750
FOR: Land Bank Expenses $2,750
3. Fort Collins Police Services (FCPS) has received revenue from various sources. A listing of these items
follows:
Funding Additional
Revenue
Prior Year
Reserves Transfers TOTAL
General Fund $648,888 $692,164 $0 $1,341,052
Data & Communications Fund 0 12,500 0 12,500
Equipment Fund 625,793 48,064 0 673,857
Sales & Use Tax Fund 0 0 48,076 48,076
Natural Areas Fund 48,076 0 0 48,076
Golf Fund 0 368,348 0 368,348
CCIP Fund 0 0 25,000 25,000
Cultural Services Fund 25,000 0 0 25,000
Water Fund 80,000 0 0 80,000
Light & Power Fund 4,500,000 0 0 4,500,000
Transportation Services Fund 442,094 0 0 442,094
GRAND TOTAL $6,369,851 $1,121,076 $73,076 $7,564,003
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a. $36,516 – 2022/2023 BATTLE Grant (Beat Auto Theft Through Law Enforcement) Grant: Police Services was
awarded a grant from the Colorado State Patrol to help prevent auto theft in Colorado.
b. $44,805 – 2022/2023 Black Market Marijuana Grant: Police Services was awarded the Marijuana grant
to support the investigation and prosecution of black market or illegal marijuana cultivation and
distribution in the city.
c. $75,152 – 2022 Body Worn Camera Grant: In December of 2021, Police Services was awarded a grant to
help fund the upgrade of body worn cameras because of the passing of HB 21-1250. This item is to
appropriate the money that was received in 2022.
d. $11,400 - 2022 Click it or Ticket Grant: In 2021 Police Services was awarded a Click it or Ticket Grant
from the Colorado Department of Transportation to pay for officers to work overtime to conduct
enforcement activities.
e. $7,868 - 'Contribution to Northern Colorado Drug Taskforce: As a part of the City of Fort Collins
contribution to the Northern Colorado Drug Taskforce, any Drug Offender Surcharge, or Court Ordered
Restitution that is remitted from Larimer County Court to Fort Collins Police, is then passed along to the
NCDTF. Any additional restitution that is collected by FCPS is additionally passed along to the NCDTF.
f. $11,400 - 2021/2022 High Visibility Enforcement (HVE) Grant: Police Services was awarded a grant from
the Law Enforcement Assistance Fund to pay for overtime for DUI enforcement.
g. $15,000 – 2022/2023 HVE Grant: Police Services was awarded a grant from the Law Enforcement
Assistance Fund to pay for overtime for DUI enforcement
h. $7,682 – 2021 ICAC Grant (Internet Crimes Against Children): In June of 2021 Police Services was
awarded the ICAC grant, but the corresponding appropriation was inadvertently excluded from last
year’s Annual Adjustment Ordinance.
i. $300,000 - Northern Colorado Regional Communication Network (NCRCN) Police Radios Upgrades and
Repairs: Police Radios have been failing on an increasing level due to aging infrastructure for the Radio
Towers in the surrounding area. Information Services is currently working with Motorola and Bearcom
to assess the current need, which is still in process. This request is utilizing the dedicated reserves within
the General Fund for NCRCN.
j. $208,465 - Police Reimbursable Overtime: Police Services help schedule security and traffic control for
large events. Since these events are staffed by officers outside of their normal duties, officers are paid
overtime. The organization who requested officer presence is then billed for the costs of the officers'
overtime. Fort Collins Police Services (FCPS) partners with Larimer County to staff events at The Ranch.
Police receives reimbursement from Larimer County for officers’ hours worked at Ranch events.
k. $42,022 - School Resource Officers: Police Services have a contract with Poudre School District to
provide officers on location at a majority of the schools for safety and support. The school district pays
Police Services based on a predetermined contract amount and also partially reimbursing for overtime
incurred. This request if for the previously billed overtime and anticipated overtime for the remaining
year.
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l. $8,962 - DUI Enforcement: Proceeds that have been received for DUI enforcement from Larimer County.
m. $96,243 - Police Miscellaneous Revenue: Police Services receives revenue from the sale of Police reports
along with other miscellaneous revenue, like restitution payments, evidence revenue and SWAT
training.
TOTAL APPROPRIATION
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2022/2023 BATTLE Grant) $36,516
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2022/2023 Black Market Marijuana Grant) $44,805
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2022 Body Worn Camera Grant) $75,152
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2022 Click it or Ticket Grant) $11,400
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Northern Colorado Drug Taskforce) $7,868
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2021/2022 HVE Grant) $11,400
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2022/2023 HVE Grant) $15,000
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (2021 ICAC Grant) $7,682
FROM: Prior Year Reserves (NCRCN Police Radios Upgrades & Repairs) $300,000
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Police Reimbursable Overtime) $208,465
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (School Resource Officers) $42,022
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (DUI Enforcement) $8,962
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Police Miscellaneous Revenue) $96,243
$865,515
FOR: Help prevent auto theft $36,516
FOR: Support the investigation of illegal marijuana cultivation $44,805
FOR: Upgrade body worn cameras $75,152
FOR: Overtime for Seat Belt enforcement $11,400
FOR: Contribution to Northern Colorado Drug Task Force $7,868
FOR: Overtime for DUI enforcement $26,400
FOR: Help prevent Internet Crimes Against Children $7,682
FOR: Police Radios Upgrades & Repairs $300,000
FOR: Police Reimbursable Overtime for events $208,465
FOR: Overtime for School Resource Officers $42,022
FOR: DUI enforcement $8,962
FOR: Police Miscellaneous Revenue $96,243
$865,515
4. Radon Kits
Environmental Services sells radon test kits at cost as part of its program to reduce lung-cancer risk from in-
home radon exposure. This appropriation would recover kit sales for the purpose of restocking radon test kits.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (radon kit sales) $1,471
FOR: Radon test kit purchase $1,471
5. Manufacturing Equipment Use Tax Rebate
Finance requests the appropriation of $109,010 to cover the amount due for the 2020 Manufacturing
Equipment Use Tax Rebate program as established in Chapter 25, Article II, Division 5, of the Municipal Code.
The rebate program was established to encourage investment in new manufacturing equipment by local firms.
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Vendors have until December 31st of the following year to file for the rebate. This item appropriates the use tax
funds to cover the payment of the rebates.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves (Manufacturing Use Tax Rebate Assignment) $109,010
FOR: Manufacturing Use Tax Rebates $109,010
6. Restorative Justice Grant
A grant in the amount of $67,612 has been awarded and received from the Colorado Division of Criminal Justice
(DCJ) Juvenile Diversion fund for the continued operation of Restorative Justice Services, which includes the
RESTORE program for shoplifting offenses, the Restorative Justice Conferencing Program (RJCP) and Reflect
Program for all other offenses. No match is required for this grant. The grant period is July 1, 2022, to June 30,
2023. Restorative Justice Services and its three programs has been partially grant-funded since its inception in
2000. The Council yearly accepts grant funds from Colorado Division of Criminal Justice to support Restorative
Justice Services. This grant helps fund youth referred to the program from the 8th Judicial District Attorney’s
Office or in lieu of a summons. Since it began, Restorative Justice Services has provided a restorative justice
alternative to more than 3,300 young people who committed chargeable offenses in our community.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Restorative Justice Grant) $67,612
FOR: Restorative Justice Services $67,612
7. Administrative transfer of IRS alternative fuel vehicles refund from General Fund to Equipment Fund (refer
to item C4)
Operation Services applied for, and received, a refund from the IRS for alternative fuel vehicles. These funds
were not identified correctly when received in 2021 and were deposited in the General Fund. This will move the
money from the General Fund to the Operation Services Fund.
FROM: Transfer from Prior Year General Fund reserves (IRS refund) $266,783
FOR: Equipment Fund - Alternative fuel vehicles $266,783
B. DATA & COMMUNICATIONS FUND
1. Accela Permitting System Upgrade
The Information Technology (IT) Department is requesting funds from the Development Tracking Systems (DTS)
restricted reserves to fund this unanticipated expense request to upgrade the City's permitting platform system.
The City's IT department recently received notice that the Accela permitting platform will no longer be
supported based on the current version the City is utilizing. This is requiring the City to upgrade to the latest
version to avoid losing software support and any potential security risks associated with being out-of-date.
Upon initiating the upgrade process, staff identified the need for consultant support to assist the City in
upgrading its Development, Test, and Production Accela Civic Platform environments. The City intends to
contract with TruePoint Solutions, a vendor that has provided Accela support in the past, to provide services as
needed, including software installation, pre-installation/upgrade preparation assistance and post-upgrade
support. Once completed, the City's permitting platform will be up to date. It will include a new user interface
that offers additional features and functionality not currently available, as well as improve the overall
performance of the platform.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves (DTS assignment) $12,500
FOR: Accela Permitting System Upgrade $12,50
C. EQUIPMENT FUND
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1. Unanticipated Fuel Revenue from Price increase
The price of wholesale fuel has been higher than budgeted. This has in turn also increase the price at which the
various city departments have Operation Services for the fuel. With the anticipated elevated fuel prices for the
remainder of the year.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue $50,000
FOR: Fuel price increase $50,000
2. Charge Ahead Grant 2022
This is a State of Colorado Charge Ahead grant to install multiple electric vehicle chargers at multiple locations.
This grant requires a 20% local match which will come from the Operations Services 2022 operating budget.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Charge Ahead Grant) $54,000
FOR: Electric vehicle chargers $54,000
3. Unanticipated Revenue and Expense associated with Purchase of Civic Center Condos
In January of 2022 the City of Fort Collins purchased the Civic Center Condos on Mason Street. These condos are
leased out with rental payments coming into the City. The management of the condos have come with costs for
operations and maintenance (O&M), and additional appropriation is being requested to cover the O&M costs.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue $255,010
FOR: Operations and Maintenance costs $255,010
4. Administrative transfer IRS alternative fuel vehicles refund from General Fund to Equipment Fund (refer to
item A7)
Operation Services applied for, and received, a refund from the IRS for alternative fuel vehicles. These funds
were not identified correctly when received in 2021 and were deposited in the General Fund. This will move the
money from the General Fund to the Operation Services Fund.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (IRS refund) $266,783
FOR: Alternative fuel vehicles $266,783
5. Equipment Fund Debt Service Payment
The original appropriation of this Certificate of Participants was done through Ordinance No. 73, 2022. This
request is for the first interest payment on the loan, which is due in December 2022. This amount is a one-time
payment and will come out of Equipment Fund reserves. This amount was not included in the original Ordinance
because it was not anticipated that the first interest payment would be due in 2022.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves $48,064
FOR: 2022 interest payment on loan $48,064
D. SALES & USE TAX FUND
1. Sales Tax transfer to Natural Areas (refer to item E1)
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Sales tax collections were higher than expected in 2021, this is to transfer remaining amount due to Natural
Areas Fund.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Sales tax collections) $48,076
FOR: Transfer to the Natural Areas Fund $48,076
E. NATURAL AREAS FUND
1. Sales Tax transfer to Natural Areas (refer to item D1)
Sales tax collections were higher than expected in 2021, this is to transfer remaining amount due to Natural
Areas Fund.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue via transfer $48,076
FOR: Natural Areas land purchase and operations $48,076
F. GOLF FUND
1. Golf Fund Debt Service Payment
The original appropriation of this Certificate of Participations was done through Ordinance No. 72, 2022. This
request is for the first interest payment on the loan, which is due in December 2022. This amount is a one-time
payment and will come out of Golf Fund reserves. This amount was not included in the original Ordinance
because it was not anticipated that the first interest payment would be due in 2022.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves $80,022
FOR: 2022 interest payment on loan $80,022
2. Golf Player Assistant Pay
This is the cost associated with contractual labor payment increases to Golf Professionals for fees associated
with the required payment of Player Assistants. The Golf Fund is an enterprise fund and receives no tax dollar
support. In 2022, the Golf Division required the contracted golf professionals at all three of the City’s golf
courses to pay for Player Assistants on the golf course. In the past these positions were filled by volunteers that
were reimbursed only with playing privileges. Recent changes in labor laws have required these individuals be
paid for the work.
FROM: Prior Year Reserves $288,326
FOR: Contractual Labor payment increases $288,326
G. COMMUNITY CAPITAL IMPROVEMENT PROGRAM (CCIP) FUND
1. Carnegie Library renovation operations & maintenance support (refer to item H1)
This is the 2022 amount for the operations and maintenance support for the Carnegie Library renovation as part
of the Community Capital Improvements Program.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue $25,000
FOR Transfer to Cultural Services (Carnegie Library) $25,000
H. CULTURAL SERVICES FUND
1. Carnegie Library renovation operations & maintenance support (refer to item G1)
This is the 2022 amount for the operations and maintenance support for the Carnegie Library renovation as part
of the Community Capital Improvements Program.
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FROM: Unanticipated Revenue via transfer $25,000
FOR Carnegie Library Operations & Maintenance $25,000
I. WATER FUND
1. Bureau of Reclamation 2019 additional amount - Grant Xeriscape Incentive Program
This is a Bureau of Reclamation grant R19A00169 was awarded to Water Conservation for the Xeriscape
Incentive Program. Reclamation has increased that award by $5,000. The Bureau of Reclamation released the
additional funds after having retained the amount for administrative costs. This money goes toward Xeriscape
Incentive Program reimbursements for customers.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Bureau of Reclamation grant) $5,000
FOR Xeriscape Incentive Program $5,000
2. Bureau of Reclamation 2022 - Grant Xeriscape Incentive Program
A Bureau of Reclamation grant was awarded to Water Conservation for the Xeriscape Incentive Program. The
full grant award of $75,000 will be used as customer reimbursements for the program. The match funding
requirement will be met by the program participants' required match.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Bureau of Reclamation grant) $75,000
FOR Xeriscape Incentive Program $75,000
J. LIGHT & POWER FUND
1. Wholesale Purchased Power
Through July 2022 the amount of wholesale purchased power needed for Residential, Commercial & Industrial
sales has exceeded the budgeted amount of $1,833,680. One of the factors for this increase in cost, besides
increased demand, is the amount of intermittent energy sold to Fort Collins Utilities as opposed to dispatchable
energy. Intermittent energy costs just over twice the amount of dispatchable energy costs. While our costs for
wholesale purchased power have exceeded budget, so has our revenue generated by sales of that energy to the
rate payers. Through July 2022 revenues are in excess of budget by $4,469,729.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (sales of purchased power) $2,000,000
FOR Wholesale purchased power $2,000,000
2. Systems Additions & Replacement
Through July 2022 the system additions & replacement budget, which is comprised of several business units, is
over budget by $1,297,000. The related revenues generated from development and upgrades to the electric
system are over budget by $3,894,735 through July 2022.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (electric capacity charge) $2,500,000
FOR Electric systems additions & replacements $2,500,000
K. TRANSPORTATION SERVICES FUND
1. South Timberline Corridor - Fort Collins-Loveland Water District - Reimbursement for Water Line
Improvements
Fort Collins-Loveland Water District (FCLWD) agreed to reimburse the City for water line improvements within
the footprint of the City's South Timberline Corridor project. FCLWD asked that the City perform the water line
improvements as part of the transportation capital improvement project to minimize traffic disruptions. The
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water line improvements were not required as part of the City's transportation project. The total amount of the
reimbursement is $132,094 and will be credited to the South Timberline Corridor project.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (reimbursement) $132,094
FOR South Timberline Corridor project $132,094
2. Shift Your Ride Transportation Demand Management (TDM) Program: Electric Micromobility Pass and
Education Series Pilot
The contract with SPIN requires them to pay $10,000 to the City annually for transportation programs deemed
appropriate by City staff. These funds will be used to cover printing costs, payroll taxes on the employee SPIN
passes, and other expenses associated with the program.
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (Vendor payment (SPIN)) $10,000
FOR Shift Your Ride TDM Program $10,000
3. Streets: Work for Others
The Planning, Development and Transportation Work for Others program is a self-supported program for all
“Work for Others” activities within Streets. Expenses are tracked and billed out to other city departments,
Poudre School District, CSU, CDOT, Larimer County, developers, and other public agencies. The original budget
of $3.0M was an estimate based on scheduled projects and anticipated rates. Due to increased cost of asphalt,
fuel, parts, and other materials, an additional $300,000 is requested to cover costs through the end of 2022.
Revenue for performing the work will offset the expense (note: expense will not be incurred without offsetting
revenue).
FROM: Unanticipated Revenue (reimbursement for work done) $300,000
FOR Work for Others program $300,000
FINANCIAL / ECONOMIC IMPACTS
This Ordinance increases total City 2022 appropriations by $7,564,003. Of that amount, this Ordinance increases
General Fund 2022 appropriations by $1,341,052, including use of $692,164 in prior year reserves. Funding for
the total increase to City appropriations is $6,369,851 from unanticipated revenue, $1,121,076 from prior year
reserves, and $73,076 from transfers between Funds.
The following is a summary of the items requesting prior year reserves:
Item #Fund Use Amount
A1 General Fund Emergency Preparedness and Security (EPS) Security Classes $13,621
A2 General Fund Land Bank Operational Expenses 2,750
A3i General Fund NCRCN Police Radios Upgrades and Repairs 300,000
A5 General Fund Manufacturing Equipment Use Tax Rebate 109,010
A7 General Fund
Administrative transfer IRS alternative fuel vehicles refund from
General Fund to Equipment Fund 266,783
B1 Data & Comm. Fund Accela Permitting System Upgrade 12,500
C5 Equipment Fund Equipment Fund Debt Service Payment 48,064
F1 Golf Fund Golf Fund Debt Service Payment 80,022
F2 Golf Fund Golf Player Assistant Pay 288,326
Total Use of Prior Year Reserves:$1,121,076
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DISCUSSION / NEXT STEPS
Guidance Requested
• What questions or feedback does the Council Finance Committee have on the 2022 Annual Adjustment
Ordinance?
• Does the Council Finance Committee support moving forward with bringing the 2022 Annual Adjustment
Ordinance to the full City Council?
Kelly Ohlson; Police Services - how did we not anticipate and plan for $300K for new radios?
Travis Storin; NCRCN is the Northern Colorado Regional Communication Network and there are multiple
agencies who participate in a consortium like fashion – this is actually for the equipment that is on the two
towers in Fort Collins that we are responsible for and is not for handheld or car radios. The reason that it is not
in the original budget is because these things were going forward in synch across the other agencies, sometimes
it is a hospital system or a fire department. The ability to synch with other first responders. These tend not to
have an economic impact, or they are from a highly restricted source. We have a General Fund restricted
reserve on the books for $300K which is set aside for this NCRCN expense which you see this in the next agenda
item. These funds were set aside for when the NCRNC is ready to move forward with upgrades.
Zack Mozer; we have been anticipating this – fees that we charge PSD, PFA, UCHealth have been in excess of the
actual NCRNC expenses. We are actually cashing in the excess of those fees to upgrade that infrastructure.
Kelly Ohlson; I was just responding to the lead summary which said this expense was unanticipated. Thank you
Kelly Ohlson; question regarding Police reimbursable overtime – when this work isn’t on behalf of the City of
Fort Collins. Why aren’t the different organizations who hire police officers responsible to pick up the overtime?
Zack Mozer; the bulk of this request is forward looking and is primarily for overtime at football games.
Kelly Ohlson; maybe there should be a rate between regular time and overtime that the organization would pay.
Also, why wouldn’t we be getting reimbursed 100% for overtime work done serving PSD?
ACTION ITEM:
Kelly DiMartino; I will take this as a follow up item and work with Zack.
Simple answer – we aren’t as a city doing any subsidizing for those external organizations when they hire
officers. The officers are doing their full-time base job and when they take these jobs, they really are overtime
at that point. These jobs are not built into their ongoing schedules, so they are additional.
Kelly Ohlson; this is voluntary overtime on the officer’s part not like overtime required by the City of Fort Collins.
They are not required to go to the football games or to direct church traffic. Wouldn’t have to be overtime.
Kelly DiMartino; we can discuss this offline – there may be a disconnects as we still have a legal obligation to pay
them when they are working over 40 hours.
Kelly Ohlson; regarding police resource officers on PSD duty - why are we not fully reimbursed for that
overtime? If PSD asks for overtime, the expense should be theirs.
Lawrence Pollack; the resource officers are a 50/50 split between PSD and the city. If we owe them overtime
based on labor laws, then we split that cost with PSD.
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Kelly Ohlson; the 50/50 split is not logical or rational to me.
ACTION ITEM:
Kelly Ohlson; I would like to see a breakdown for the purchase of the Civic Center condos. I know there is some
income coming in.
Travis Storin; we will incorporate information about the purchase of the condos and the issues that arose
into the Council materials when we bring this forward.
Emily Francis; I had the same questions about police overtime and cost sharing levels. I am curious about the
IGA we have with CSU regarding football games. Please include me in the follow-up.
Lawrence Pollack;
Summary
• Police overtime cost sharing and whether that is a volunteer event such as CSU football games.
• School Resource Officers (SROs) for PSD – existing agreements and overtime sharing
• As part of the materials when we bring this forward to the full Council, we will provide additional
information regarding the purchase of the Civic Center condos and the unexpected expenses that arose
Emily Francis; we don’t charge organizations for police officers to for example, to direct traffic (church, football
games)
Lawrence Pollack; ultimately that is what they are paying for, police time, they use a police vehicle and are
wearing their uniforms as a sworn officer. So, they are representing the city – with materials and supplies that
we have purchased. The entity is just paying for the incremental cost incurred by that activity that is not city
sponsored. Some of this is arrears, but we know there is a lot coming up with CSU football games.
C. 2021 Fund Balance Review
Blaine Dunn, Accounting Director
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:
The attached presentation gives a status of fund balances and working capital. Fund balances are
primarily considered for funding one-time offers during the Budgeting for Outcomes process. To a
lesser extent, available monies are also used to fund supplemental appropriations between BFO cycles.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
General update to Council Finance Committee
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
To aid in answering the question of what funding is available to support emerging issues and initiatives
in the next budget cycle. In each fund the balances are shown vertically by the accounting
classifications. The amounts are then additionally categorized into Appropriated, Available with
Constraints, and Available for Nearly Any Purpose.
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Appropriated, Minimum Policy or Scheduled is comprised of minimum fund balances established by
policy, funds from the 2021 balance that have been appropriated in 2022 and amounts for projects
specifically identified by voters. An example of the latter is Community Capital Improvements Plan.
Available with Constraints are those balances available for appropriation but within defined
constraints. An example are donations received through City Give. They are restricted for the
purpose of the donation, but still available for appropriation.
Available for Nearly Any Purpose are balances that are available for appropriation at the discretion of
the City Council.
DISCUSSION / NEXT STEPS
Travis Storin; we would normally bring this forward in May or June but the Council Finance Committee agenda
has been full. This timing might be even better.
Community Capital Improvement Plan slide (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; at the bottom, is says $9.2M in reserves for SE Community Center in 2023. I am assuming that is in
addition to the money that was set aside.
Blaine Dunn; the reason we wanted to call that out specifically is that the $9.2M will come from the $11M
showing on the first line of the slide above ($11M Available for ballot projects). The way we built out the
revenue model and the projections for CCIP is that we started to build a plan so that when we needed that
money for the SE Community Center, we could pull from that fund balance.
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Kelly Ohlson; thank you - confirming that is money set aside for this particular purpose, correct?
Blaine Dunn; yes, that is correct.
Kelly Ohlson; your explanation was helpful – confirming that is the money we planned on spending and we may
spend more
General Fund Balances (see above)
Kelly Ohlson; What does the word ‘traditionally’ mean on the 3rd bullet of the slide above? I never heard of this.
Blaine Dunn; in the past, we have received direction form Council Finance and from previous Councils to
continue to set these items aside as assigned balances. If Council would like to give us different direction, we
will certainly change that.
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Kelly Ohlson; not all fund balances go to the four categories listed above?
Blaine Dunn; correct, for example under assigned above, we have $200K set aside for Waste Innovation. If
Council wanted to bring something forward in the waste innovation space, we could pull from that amount.
Kelly Ohlson; so, with budgets coming up, seems like every city does it this way, the manager presents a
recommended budget and we are supposed to make it the Councils and residents budget. So, when cuts are
brought up and panic sets it, there always seems to be money that is automatically available for what Council
wants to add into the budget instead versus. cutting. I would like to know going into budget, how much money
Council has available for the things they want to put above the line.
Is it the $5.7M or?
Travis Storin; everything you see here is money in the bank. Using last year as an example, where we actually
generated those dollars through a more regressive revenue forecast. It was something of a calculated risk
saying we could increase the revenue forecast which generated some additional funding. I don’t have at my
finger tips the amount of the $188.M reserves that are put to use in the budget but I do know that it is spelled
out in the budget document that is being published tomorrow. I do predict that BFO this year will be more of a
tradeoff conversation because we went pretty deep on use of reserves. We will be clear in our work session
materials on what amount is being used and what the untapped reserves are that Council can tap into.
Kelly Ohlson; it will be very helpful to know how much money we have before we just have to start moving
things in the recommended budget. There are two ways we can go, we can move things below the line and then
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move things above the line for priorities or it can be just new money or my preference would be a combination
of those things but we do need to know how much money we have to work with.
Travis Storin; a friend just messaged with some information, the recommended budget uses $11.5M of General
Fund Reserves and the reason that we characterized the $18.8M as available for any purpose versus the $5.7M
that is unassigned - you see the balances above the $5.7M that make up the total of $18.8M in the slide above –
there is either a management assignment or informal Council guidance (ie: not an adopted ordinance) that we
are going to need to set that money aside.
Kelly Ohlson; I see the $5.7M in the slide above as ‘unassigned’ but you say you have intent there. What am I
missing?
Travis Storin; we are in the rear-view mirror as this is year end 2021, we account for what is in the 2022 budget
but we have not yet adjusted these balance for what is proposed in the City Managers’ Recommended 2023 -
2024 budget.
Other Business:
Topic 1 of 2
Parklane Mobile Home Park / New Life Mobile Homes
Requesting an Appropriation Ordinance authorizing a grant of $125K to bring forward at the September 20th City
Council Meeting.
Requesting $125K from the General Fund reserves to be used for forestry, landscaping (tree trimming,
underground infrastructure, curb and gutter and pavement) at what was known as Parklane Mobile Home Park
but has a new name of New Life Mobile Home Park. The residents purchased the property and changed the
name. The city has previously made some verbal commitments around this when the mobile home park
residents first indicated they were going to buy the park for themselves.
Kelly Ohlson; is this in the city limits?
Caryn Champine; it is in the county but is part of our Growth Management Area (GMA) and is part of the
Mulberry enclave as well.
Kelly Ohlson; that is a stretch for me because it is not in the city limits, but I will go along for the ride. It this
were located inside the city limits this would be a no brainer. What did the county contribute?
Caryn Champine; Larimer County contributed $1M toward the purchase.
The City of Fort Collins didn’t contribute anything toward the purchase.
Emily Francis; do we fund other things outside the city limits but within the GMA? This would be good
information to have for our future discussion. I know they have a range of needs so also how we decide what we
are going to fund.
Travis Storin; we will take that back for discussion as I don’t think I can respond now regarding expenditures
within the GMA but outside the city limits.
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Caryn Champine; We don’t necessarily have a formula to use in these types of circumstances. This is a unique
dynamic and a new space for us. The approach we took was first to gain an understanding of what the
Infrastructure assessment was and as Travis described it includes; tree trimming, underground infrastructure
improvements that are needed as well as curb and gutter and pavement. All of that is upwards of $900K in total
costs which would be absorbed by the residents over time. The approach we took was to look at the total cost
of what they are getting as an assessment. There are approximately 60 units in this community, so we thought
through a methodology of $1,500 - $2K per unit to give us some measure of how to help those residents offset
their costs. The way we write this contract which will be a grant to them that will either be treated as a
reimbursement approach or money coming forward. We are working with the City Attorney’s office to finalize
the details on what that contract will look like if this is supported by Council. The contract would reference the
infrastructure assessment.
Emily Francis; I think that makes sense – thank you
Other Business
Topic 2 of 2
9/11 Memorial at Spring Park
PFA has contributed $80K – We have raised to date $150K in charitable donations - Staff is proposing a $200K
appropriation from the Neighborhood Parkland Fund which has $6.7M in reserves on hand that are available.
We anticipate this will bring additional donor activity. This is a dedicated funding source for a dedicated purpose
type of proposition.
Kelly Ohlson; we should be seeing the top ten priorities of staff and then together, we could work out what the
priorities are and have some context of how we are spending money. As it stands now, we do not have any idea
what the other options are (trade-offs, opportunity costs), We are planning to do something new when we are
dealing with shortfalls for existing parks refresh.
Travis Storin; just to clarity the Neighborhood Parkland Fund - any reserve balance we have accumulated can
only be used for new facilities so unfortunately we are not able to use these funds for refresh / asset
management needs.
Nina Bodenhamer; I have been interfacing with this project since we started City Give. It had been in process for
3 years at that time. The partnership that was created between PFA and the city – this piece of the park is
adjacent to Fire Station #3 and this work will create brighten and add new purpose and amenities – looking at
how we increase bike access and visibility. We have raised almost $200K in donations and have spent some of
that on design and taking the design documents to construction documents. This is in a way creating a refreshed
purpose in a dated neighborhood park, giving it a new sense of purpose, and leveraging the phenomenal
community asset we have which is the steel beam from the Twin Towers.
Kelly Ohlson; what is the total cost? We don’t want this coming back requesting additional funds to complete
Nina Bodenhamer: $200K appropriation from the Neighborhood Parkland fund
$80K from PFA
$100K in cash on hand
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The total parks budget was $650K - we have an outstanding construction total of $500K We are hearing from
donors, ‘come see us when you are building the park’. This appropriation would allow us to move toward a
groundbreaking. The direction I have received is that we will either scale the park based on the funds we have
available, and we will continue fund raising to close that gap.
Kelly Ohlson; I will support this if other Council Finance Committee members and Council support
Julie Pignataro; you said depending on donations, it could be scaled but would that increase the scale of
operations and maintenance – how would we cover that?
Nina Bodenhamer; maintenance will be absorbed into the current maintenance of Spring Park. There is one
piece that warrants set aside money which is the water element, reflecting pool to be located under the beam.
We recently had a donation from our local VFW toward the maintenance of the veterans’ memorial in Edora
Park which was put that money into a separate non-lapsing business unit to hold it until needed. A similar
reserve for future maintenance here.
Julie Pignataro; this is so relevant to the discussions we have been having where we have completely overshot
our current maintenance for parks. In the grand scheme of things, this seems little, but ten more of these and
then what? Do you have a response to that statement?
Nina Bodenhamer; When it was conceptualized, it was going to be fully supported by fund raising. In the
absence of City Give, there was no toggle to say what is the community feasibility? Everyone wants to believe
that doners will come in and fund our dreams – there has been enormous donor support and a valuable
partnership with PFA. It has also been sitting there for 5 years with these questions. I believe that we now have
a process in place to ask these hard questions before we go out and do any community engagement, design, or
fundraising. I believe we now have an improved process, so we don’t go down this path again. A case in point
would be our charitable project at Eastside Park – the process at that time was we do not move forward until we
have alignment with strategic priorities and the money is fully raised. This is kind of us making the best of a
situation we inherited. Donors have given, do we return gifts, or do we invest? PFA believes this is a worthwhile
cause and they have invested $80K.
Julie Pignataro; everyone on this committee thinks this is a worthwhile cause. I am interrupting what I am
hearing as this is our lessons learned project and we learned new things about how the process should work
going forward. How did we land on $200K?
Nina Bodenhamer; this was Kurt Friesen, Victoria Shaw and I looking at what is available in that fund. What is an
investment that can deliver the park to a reasonable standard without impacting future investments of that
fund. This $200K will take us to groundbreaking then we can scale but still deliver on our commitments, our
promise, and our partnerships.
Julie Pignataro; is the water element definitely part of it?
Nina Bodenhamer; it is a reflecting pool to be located under the beam. It was a piece that was presented in the
design document that $180K of donation were given to this piece. A range of donors, residents, first
responders. The reflecting pool requires minimal maintenance costs compared to splash pads, etc. as it’s not
flowing water.
Page 35 of 327
Emly Francis; what are the other priorities we have with this funding and how does this fall within that? So, this
gets us to groundbreaking, how much more will this cost?
Nina Bodenhamer; I have asked the parks planning team for construction costs including the general contractor.
Based on that we have a gap of $120K and we can chip away at that with donor gifts and / or scale the project.
At groundbreaking, the money we have in hand will be the park that we deliver.
Kelly Ohlson; when this comes to us for a vote, could you please include in the AIS, what the next two
neighborhood parks are as well as timing and anticipated costs. I am fine if Julie and Emily want to do this. I
don’t want to see this brought back requesting additional funding out of General Fund to finish this.
Julie Pignataro; is it worth making sure this doesn’t end up on consent. We need to have a discussion and be
transparent about the trade-offs and what we have learned in the process.
Emily Francis; if the questions we asked are addressed in the AIS, it could be on consent, and we could always
pull it.
Meeting Adjourned at 6:20 pm
Page 36 of 327
Page 37 of 327
COUNCIL FINANCE COMMITTEE
AGENDA ITEM SUMMARY
Staff:
Rebecca Everette, Planning Manager
Megan Keith, Senior Planner
Sylvia Tatman-Burruss, Sr. Policy and Project Manager
Date: October 20th, 2022
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION:
E Mulberry Potential Annexation: Opportunities and Tradeoffs
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In August 2022, City staff presented detailed financial modeling scenarios for the East Mulberry
Enclave Area based on a set of assumptions, including potential annexation timing and levels of
investment for Utilities and general City Services. The Council Finance Committee requested a
follow-up presentation outlining the potential opportunities and tradeoffs of annexing the
existing East Mulberry enclave in relation to Council priorities, community feedback and
priorities outlined in existing adopted plans.
For the October Council Finance Committee meeting, staff has prepared a presentation and an
attachment that outline opportunities and tradeoffs within the East Mulberry area related to
potential future annexation. This summary is based on adopted Council priorities, community
engagement conducted thus far, and priorities outlined in the Strategic Plan and City Plan. While
the opportunities and tradeoffs highlighted in these materials are not meant to be an exhaustive
list, they reflect the key takeaways for each “character area” within the broader East Mulberry
Plan area. These opportunities and tradeoffs will be further explored and addressed within the
upcoming East Mulberry Plan Update.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
1. Do the materials presented adequately address requests from the August 1 Council
Finance session?
2. Are there any additions or modifications staff should make before sharing similar
materials at the November 8 Council Work Session?
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
Staff has been modeling financial scenarios related to potential future annexation of the East
Mulberry enclave with an outside consultant, Economic Planning Systems, since late 2020. Staff
has also been working on an update to the East Mulberry Plan, including extensive community
engagement, since early 2021. Recent full Council discussions on this topic include:
Page 38 of 327
• October 2021: Discussion of E Mulberry Plan Vision, possible annexation scenarios and
a high-level presentation of financial modeling over a 20-year time horizon.
• April 2022: City Council and County Commissioner discussion of potential future
annexation and the existing Intergovernmental Agreement for Growth Management.
• April 2022: Work session focused on overall community approach to annexation and
growth management, including implications for the East Mulberry Enclave area
Next Steps:
• November 8, 2022: Council Work Session, which will include opportunities and tradeoffs
for the East Mulberry Plan Area and a recap of the summary financial metrics and
modeling for the East Mulberry Enclave.
• February 2023: Council Work Session focused on East Mulberry Plan Update (draft plan)
• February/March 2023: Consideration of adoption of the East Mulberry Plan Update
• Note: There are currently no scheduled Council actions related to annexation timing or
phasing.
ATTACHMENTS:
1. East Mulberry Character Areas: Review of Opportunities and Tradeoffs
2. East Mulberry Council Finance Slide Deck
Page 39 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update – Character Area Opportunities & Tradeoffs |1
East Mulberry Residential Character Area
Contains most of the existing and planned
housing in the plan area, including existing
mobile home parks.
Key Opportunities:
• Mobile Home Park Preservation
• Application of other Affordable Housing
Preservation Tools
• Apply City development code and land
use priorities to future projects
• Address infrastructure deficiencies
Key Tradeoffs:
• Limited sales tax generation
• Existing stormwater and street
infrastructure to serve residential areas is
sub-standard.
Mobile Home Park Preservation
Within the East Mulberry area, there are multiple mobile home parks, one of which is currently for sale. These mobile
home parks are not currently zoned for preservation. The City of Fort Collins recently created a zone district specifically
for the purpose of mobile home park preservation.
Current number of residential units or mobile homes within each existing mobile home park:
• Collins Aire Park: 535 homes (currently for sale, as of 10/10/2022)
• The Villas: 48 homes
• Nueva Vida (formerly Parklane): 68 homes
Application of other Affordable Housing Preservation Tools
• Potential to utilize the City’s Land Bank program and to partner with a community land trust to preserve
affordable housing in the area
• Application of potential future resources for affordable housing as implementation of the Housing Strategic Plan
Address Infrastructure Deficiencies
• Stormwater infrastructure, pedestrian access and transit availability are very limited or absent in many areas
within the enclave.
• With over 2,500 units of housing planned or recently developed (Mosaic, Timbervine, and Bloom), multi-modal
connections and access will become increasingly necessary to accommodate existing and future residents.
Opportunity Council Priority Strategic Plan City Plan
Mobile Home Park Zoning 1.8: Preserve and Enhance
mobile home parks as a
source of affordable housing
Increase availability of
affordable housing
15-minute community concept #30: Implementation of 15-
minute community concept
6.5: Maintain existing and
aging transportation
infrastructure
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Page 40 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update – Character Area Opportunities & Tradeoffs |2
East Mulberry I-25 Gateway Area
The primary eastern gateway into Fort Collins
houses a variety of existing uses including unique
industrial uses.
Key Opportunities:
• Improve Mulberry as a regional connector
• Improve aesthetics and safety at eastern
gateway
• Enhance and preserve natural features
Key Tradeoffs:
• City assumes responsibility and cost
associated with higher police call volume
Improve Mulberry as a Regional Connector
The E Mulberry corridor and I-25 intersection is an important gateway into the northernmost portion of the Fort Collins
community. While CDOT maintains the I-25 and E Mulberry intersection, several changes could be made to improve the
interchange along with modifications to the entire corridor to better accommodate multi-modal transportation.
Improve Aesthetics and Safety at Eastern Gateway
• Upon annexation, Land Use Code standards would apply to new developments and businesses would need to
come into compliance with some City codes after an amortization period, including lighting and signage.
• While Land Use Code standards would apply upon annexation, City staff is focused on preservation of existing
businesses. Therefore, flexibility in standards and additions of uses in the Industrial zone district will be explored
in the update to the East Mulberry Plan.
• Upon annexation, the City of Fort Collins could begin to partner on the redesign of the E Mulberry interchange
• Upon annexation, Fort Collins Police Services would begin to service the area at a level more consistent with
urban level needs.
Address Infrastructure Deficiencies
• The I-25 and E Mulberry interchange should be upgraded to safely accommodate increased traffic, stormwater
run-off, and multi-modal transportation.
• The area lacks sufficient stormwater infrastructure, creating burdens on existing business owners. These
burdens include increased risk of flooding in a large weather event and expensive stormwater containment
requirements if a business owner wants to expand.
Opportunity Council Priority Strategic Plan City Plan
Improve Mulberry as a
regional connector
Advance regionalism by
supporting and investing in
regional transportation
connections
3.2: Work with key partners to
grow diverse employment
opportunities in the community
Support local, unique and
creative businesses
Enhance and preserve natural
features like the Cooper
Slough and Dry Creek
Protect and Enhance
Instream River Flows
4.6 Sustain and improve the health
of the Cache la Poudre River and all
watersheds within Fort Collins
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Page 41 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update – Character Area Opportunities & Tradeoffs |3
Frontage Character Area
Mulberry Street and parallel frontage road is a
key corridor for travel and business access.
Key Opportunities:
• Improve accessibility, safety, aesthetics,
environmental health, and water quality
along the Mulberry frontage. Improve
aesthetics and safety at eastern gateway
• Address infrastructure deficiencies
Key Tradeoffs:
• City assumes increased maintenance
responsibilities.
The East Mulberry corridor is a prominent gateway into the northernmost portion of the Fort Collins community and is a
major transportation spine for warehousing, manufacturing, fabrication, and maintenance businesses that serve the
Northern Colorado region and the State of Colorado. While CDOT maintains the East Mulberry roadway, several changes
could be made to improve truck access and better accommodate multi-modal transportation.
Improve accessibility, aesthetics, and water quality
• Upon annexation, the City of Fort Collins could begin to partner on the redesign of the E Mulberry corridor
• Improvements would include upgrades to stormwater infrastructure to protect the Cache la Poudre waterway
• Upon annexation, Land Use Code standards would apply to new developments and businesses would need to
come into compliance with some City codes after an amortization period, including lighting and signage.
• Improvements to access along the frontage roads could be achieved as future redevelopment occurs and the
Fort Collins Master Street Plan is applied to prominent intersections and frontage access points.
• Upon annexation, Fort Collins Police Services would begin to service the area at a level more consistent with
urban level needs.
Address Infrastructure Deficiencies
• Stormwater infrastructure is especially problematic along the E Mulberry corridor, affecting businesses and
residents to the north and existing residential neighborhoods to the south where flooding often occurs.
• Frontage road access is limited and dangerous along the E Mulberry corridor creating access issues for existing
businesses and creating significant barriers to pedestrian and bicycle access.
Opportunity Council Priority Strategic Plan City Plan
Improve accessibility, safety,
aesthetics, environmental
health, and water quality along
the E Mulberry frontage
Improve safety for all
modes and users of the
transportation system
6.5: Maintain existing and aging
transportation infrastructure
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Enhance and preserve natural
features like the Poudre River
and Cooper Slough
Protect and Enhance
Instream River Flows
4.6 Sustain and improve the health
of the Cache la Poudre River and all
watersheds within Fort Collins
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Page 42 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update – Character Area Opportunities & Tradeoffs |4
Airpark Character Area
The Airpark includes a mix of industrial services,
housing, restaurants, breweries, and serves as a
new and small business incubator.
Key Opportunities:
• Ability to support establishment,
retention and expansion of existing small
businesses.
• Support new business incubation, start-
ups, and creative industries.
• Coordinated approach to stormwater
improvements.
Key Tradeoffs:
• Risk of displacement and gentrification of
existing businesses.
• City would inherit severely deficient or
non-existent stormwater and roadway
infrastructure, including frequent flooding
issues.
The Airpark is home to a high concentration of industrial businesses that serve Northern Colorado and beyond.
businesses are housed within warehouses and on large lots that provide easy truck access, outdoor storage, and access
to I-25. The Airpark area also has several infrastructure deficiency issues related to stormwater, pedestrian access,
deterioration of roadways, and aging overhead power lines.
Support Existing and New Businesses
• While Land Use Code standards would apply upon annexation, City staff is focused on preservation of existing
businesses. Therefore, flexibility in standards and additions of uses in the Industrial zone district will be explored
in the update to the East Mulberry Plan.
• Due to site constraints and infrastructure deficiencies, staff is focused on creating requirements that address
health and safety concerns in the case of business expansions, building upgrades and other minor improvements
that would trigger site upgrades.
• City of Fort Collins staff could work closely with businesses to create Improvement Districts for improvements to
local roads and help improve access to other City-led businesses support tools.
• Improvements could include upgrades to stormwater infrastructure to protect the Cache la Poudre waterway
Gentrification Risk
• City staff is sensitive to the risk of gentrification due to improvements within the area. While there are multiple
factors involved in gentrification, the City would focus on limiting barriers to business expansion and working
with business owners to identify and execute creative solutions that fit their needs while addressing citywide
standards and priorities.
Opportunity Council Priority Strategic Plan City Plan
Improve accessibility, safety,
aesthetics, environmental
health, and water quality along
the E Mulberry frontage
Improve safety for all
modes and users of the
transportation system
6.5: Maintain existing and aging
transportation infrastructure
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Enhance and preserve natural
features like the Poudre River
and Cooper Slough
Protect and Enhance
Instream River Flows
4.6Sustain and improve the health
of the Cache la Poudre River and
all watersheds within Fort Collins
Supporting a sustainable
pattern of development
Page 43 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update – Character Area Opportunities & Tradeoffs |5
Transitional Character Area
Transitional Areas are primarily undeveloped
areas that could help unify and connect land
uses in the Mulberry corridor.
Key Opportunities:
• Opportunity to address area-wide
stormwater issues with key interventions
in this area.
• Proactive zoning to meet current and
future land use demand.
• Strategic roadway connections built to
city standards.
Key Tradeoffs:
• Funding for investments such as new
roadways and other infrastructure may
be dependent on new development.
The Transitional area is important to stormwater infrastructure, especially for businesses and residents within the
Airpark area, and in relation to water quality and runoff to the Poudre River. International Boulevard is also planned for
extension from the Bloom neighborhood and through the existing airport airstrip, creating an additional access point for
residents of Timbervine and other surrounding neighborhoods to the rest of the community (including downtown area).
Address Stormwater Infrastructure and Land Use
• Improvements are planned within this area and master planning for stormwater upgrades would begin upon
annexation of the Airpark area and surrounding properties.
• Annexation of properties adjacent to the former airport area would provide an opportunity for rezoning
• Parcels that are still available for development could be rezoned to better match the industrial land uses within
the Airpark area.
Address Access Deficiencies
• As the area grows, requirements for access to new developments and existing neighborhoods will increase,
putting pressure on existing roadways.
• While these access points will only be created as new development occurs, annexation and rezoning can
encourage redevelopment and investment.
Opportunity Council Priority Strategic Plan City Plan
Analyze the area for
potential rezoning to better
fit the needs in the area
Advance regionalism –
collaboration regionally
while maintaining the
unique character of Fort
Collins
3.2 Work with key partners to
grow diverse employment
opportunities in the
community
Utilize tools and partnerships to
leverage infill and redevelopment
opportunities to achieve
development consistent with City
Plan and supporting the City’s
broader strategic objectives
Enhance and preserve
natural features like the
Poudre River and Cooper
Slough
Protect and Enhance
Instream River Flows
4.6 Sustain and improve the
health of the Cache la Poudre
River and all watersheds
within Fort Collins
Supporting a sustainable pattern
of development
Page 44 of 327
E. Mulberry Potential Annexation: Opportunities and Tradeoffs
October 20, 2022
Council Finance Committee
Rebecca Everette, Planning ManagerPage 45 of 327
2Agenda & Questions
1.Reorientation to East Mulberry Plan Update
2.August 1 Council Finance Committee Requests:
1.Tell a more complete story of benefits and trade-offs
2.Show alignment with Council Priorities
3. Questions
•Do the materials presented adequately address requests from the August 1 Council
Finance session?
•Are there any additions or modifications staff should make before sharing similar
materials at the November 8 Council Work Session?
Page 46 of 327
East Mulberry Plan Update –
Project Status
Page 47 of 327
4Mulberry Context
Cooper
Slough
Vine Dr.
Mulberry St.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Timberline Rd.Prospect Rd.Timberline Rd.Mosaic
Bloom
Cloverleaf
Clydesdale
Park
Sunflower
Kingfisher Point
Natural Area
Collins
Aire
Timbervine
Dry Creek
Roselawn
Cemetery
Andersonville
Page 48 of 327
5East Mulberry Plan Update -Anticipated Schedule
Sep Oct Nov Dec Jan Feb
Public Engagement
Council Interactions
Draft Plan
Final Plan
Mar Apr
Oct. 20
Council
Finance
Committee
Nov. 8 Council
Work Session
First Reading
of Draft Plan Second Reading
of PlanFeb. Council
Work Session
2022 2023
We are here
Page 49 of 327
Opportunities & Tradeoffs –
Character Area Analysis
Page 50 of 327
7Mulberry Context
Cooper
Slough
Vine Dr.
Mulberry St.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Timberline Rd.Prospect Rd.Timberline Rd.Mosaic
Bloom
Cloverleaf
Clydesdale
Park
Sunflower
Kingfisher Point
Natural Area
Collins
Aire
Timbervine
Dry Creek
Roselawn
Cemetery
Andersonville
Page 51 of 327
8Opportunities & Tradeoffs –Inputs
Opportunities and tradeoffs derived and synthesized from:
Priorities Alignment:
•2021-2023 Council Priorities
•2022 Strategic Plan
•City Plan
Engagement Efforts:
•Community Advisory Group –representation includes:
•Plant Nursery Owner
•Real Estate Agent
•Restaurant Owner
•Trailer Manufacturer and Retailer
•Livestock/Ag Business
•Microbrewery Owner
•At Large Resident
•East Mulberry Business Focus Groups
•Community and Business Workshops
•Q&A Sessions for Residents and Businesses
•Internal engagement with City Departments
Page 52 of 327
Residential Character Areas
Timbervine Mosaic Bloom
Parklane Mobile
Home Park
The Villas
Collins Aire Park Vine Dr.Timberline Rd.Mulberry St.
Prospect Rd.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Cooper
Slough
Contains most of the existing and planned
housing in the plan area, including existing
mobile home parks.
Key Opportunities:
•Preserve mobile home parks and other
affordable housing options.
•Alignment with Strategic Plan:
Mobile Home Park Preservation
•Apply City development code and land use
priorities to future projects.
•Alignment with Council Priority:
Incorporate 15-minute City Concept to
future neighborhoods
Key Tradeoffs:
•Limited sales tax generation, except for online
sales, within residential areas.
•Existing stormwater and street infrastructure to
serve residential areas is sub-standard.
Page 53 of 327
I-25 Gateway Character Area
Vine Dr.
Mulberry St.
Prospect Rd.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Cooper
Slough
The primary eastern gateway into Fort Collins
houses a variety of existing uses including
unique industrial uses.
Key Opportunities:
•Improve Mulberry Street as a regional connector.
•Alignment with Council Priority:
Advance regionalism by supporting and
investing in regional transportation
connections.
•Improve aesthetics and safety at Fort Collins’ key
eastern gateway from I-25.
•Enhance and preserve natural features like
Cooper Slough and Dry Creek.
•Alignment with Strategic Plan:
Sustain and improve the health of the
Cache la Poudre River and all
watersheds within Fort Collins.
Key Tradeoffs:
•City assumes responsibility and cost associated
with higher police call volume near interchange. Timberline Rd.Page 54 of 327
Mulberry St.
Frontage Character Area
Vine Dr.
Prospect Rd.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Cooper
Slough
Mulberry Street and parallel frontage road is a
key corridor for travel and business access.
Key Opportunities:
•Improve accessibility, safety, aesthetics,
environmental health, and water quality along the
Mulberry street frontage.
•Alignment with Council Priority:
Improve safety for all modes and users
of the transportation system
•Alignment with Strategic Plan:
Provide and maintain reliable
infrastructure that directly improves
community safety (including
stormwater).
•Alignment with Council Priority: Plan
for, preserve, plant and maintain a safe,
healthy and resilient urban forest and
tree canopy.
Key Tradeoffs:
•City assumes increased maintenance
responsibilities.Timberline Rd.Page 55 of 327
Airpark Character Area
Vine Dr.
Mulberry St.
Prospect Rd.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Cooper
Slough
The Airpark includes a mix of industrial services,
housing, restaurants, breweries, and serves as a
new and small business incubator.
Key Opportunities:
•Ability to support establishment, retention and
expansion of existing small businesses. Support
new business incubation, start-ups, and creative
industries.
•Alignment with Strategic Plan: Work
with key partners to grow diverse
employment opportunities in the
community.
•Coordinated approach to stormwater
improvements
Key Tradeoffs:
•Risk of displacement and gentrification of
existing businesses due to redevelopment
pressure or cost of improvements.
•City would inherit severely deficient or non-
existent stormwater and roadway infrastructure,
including frequent flooding issues.Timberline Rd.Page 56 of 327
Airpark Character Area –Existing Infrastructure 13
Page 57 of 327
Transitional Character Area
Vine Dr.
Mulberry St.
Prospect Rd.Link Ln.Lemay Ave.Transitional Areas are primarily undeveloped
areas that could help unify and connect land
uses in the Mulberry corridor.
Key Opportunities:
•Opportunity to address area-wide stormwater
issues with key interventions in this area.
•Proactive zoning to meet current and future land
use demand.
•Strategic roadway connections built to city
standards.
•Alignment with Strategic Plan:
Maintain existing and aging
transportation infrastructure to keep the
system in a state of good repair and
continually address missing elements
to meet community needs and
expectations.
Key Tradeoffs:
•Funding for investments such as new roadways
and other infrastructure may be dependent on
new development. Timberline Rd.Page 58 of 327
Challenges Related to a Voluntary Annexation Approach:
•Voluntary annexation over time can pose challenges in implementing a long-term, large-scale
vision
•Discontinuous annexed areas may result in longer law enforcement response times or barriers
to providing the level of service other parts of the city receive
•Piecemeal annexation would make regional infrastructure improvements (e.g., flood
mitigation) more challenging
•Insufficient street and stormwater infrastructure may create barriers for redevelopment and
existing business expansion
•Opportunity cost - proactive roadway maintenance in annexed areas may prevent the need for
wholesale replacement later
15Internal Engagement
Additional Input from City Departments
Page 59 of 327
Questions for CFC
1.Do the materials presented adequately address requests from the August 1 Council Finance
session?
2.Are there any additions or modifications staff should make before sharing similar materials at
the November 8 Council Work Session?
Page 60 of 327
Page 61 of 327
Page 62 of 327
COUNCIL FINANCE COMMITTEE
AGENDA ITEM SUMMARY
Staff: Lance Smith, Utilities Strategic Finance Director
Date: October 20, 2022
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION
2023 Utility Rate Increases
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In November, City Council will consider adopting the 2023 City Budget which includes
operating revenues for each utility enterprise based on utility rates that include the following
increases:
Last December staff presented the forecasted need for more modest rate increases than what is
shown here. Those initially proposed rate increases for each of the utility enterprises were
increased in June as inflation continued to increase throughout 2022 and the Federal Reserve
responded by increasing the cost of borrowing, both of which adversely impacted the whole 10-
year rate forecasts that were also presented last December. All budget discussions since June
have included the proposed increases shown above.
These proposed changes will be presented to both the Energy Board and Water Commission for
formal action in October. Minutes will be provided to the full City Council for First Reading.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
1. Does Council Finance Committee support bringing forward rate adjustments consistent
with what has been discussed through the budget process for the full City Council’s
consideration?
Page 63 of 327
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
Inflationary Pressures
The rate forecasts presented to the Council Finance Committee last December were developed
assuming inflation over the next decade would be similar to the inflation experienced over the
last decade. Inflation this year quickly exceeded those levels. The increased inflation realized in
2022 is likely to persist over the next few years before returning to more modest levels but for
how long, and to what level, is not clear at this point.
Staff could not update the long-term financial models during the budget process in June but
because of the recent increases in these inflationary pressures, increased rates 2% more in the
Light & Power, Water and Wastewater monthly charges from what was previously shown last
winter ahead of the budget process. There are similar pressures in the stormwater utility as well
but there is more operating income available for infrastructure improvements in this fund than
the other three enterprises, so staff increased that rate by an additional 1% in June, as well.
Staff has since been able to update the 10-year rate forecasts to reflect potential inflation by
sampling from the past 60 years, instead of just the past decade. The updated long-term rate
forecasts are included below as each utility’s primary 2023 rate drivers are considered. There is
a need to consider raising rates more than 5% in a given year, especially when inflation is more
than 5% in consecutive years which may happen in the near-term.
Inflation is felt across the utilities but in different ways depending on which operating expenses
are increasing more or less than other expenses. The table below shows how higher inflation in
labor costs would impact the Customer Service & Administration (CS&A) internal services fund
more than the enterprise funds. Similarly, higher inflation for material costs would impact the
enterprise funds more than CS&A. The long-term financial model for each utility considers how
inflation is impacting costs for each utility.
Electric
Every two years, or once each budget cycle, staff reviews and updates the cost of service models
for each of the four utility services. In 2022, the electric cost of service model has been updated.
Staff is proposing a 5% retail rate increase for the electric fund in 2023. This increase is driven
by a combination of increases in wholesale electric expenses as well as distribution operating &
maintenance costs and investments in distribution infrastructure.
Platte River Power Authority (PRPA) is planning to increase their wholesale blended rate
($/MWh) by 5% in 2023. Roughly two-thirds of costs incurred each year to provide electric
OpEx Electric (no PP)Water Wastewater Stormwater Customer Service
& Admin
Labor 30%40%35%30%65%
Materials 70%60%55%55%35%
Debt Service 10%15%
Page 64 of 327
service to our community are attributable to wholesale purchased power expenses, while the
other one-third is attributable to costs related to operating & maintaining the distribution
system.
The impact to each of the four PRPA owner-communities will vary slightly from the 5% overall
change in $ / MWh, with Fort Collins Utilities projected to see a slightly lower $ / MWh change
than the other owner-communities. This result is driven largely by a more favorable load factor,
as compared to Loveland, Longmont, and Estes Park. This more favorable load factor is due in
part to demand-side management efforts that Fort Collins has collaborated on with commercial
customers over the years, as well as the rollout of residential TOD rates in 2018. The lower
relative impact for Fort Collins has been a financial benefit to utility customers in recent years,
as wholesale rates are passed directly on to retail customers.
The electric cost of service model accounts for changes in consumption and costs to provide
electricity to each rate class, or customer category. Given the frequency of these updates, there
are generally relatively minor adjustments necessary. There are many factors that go into these
updates, including how load factors change across rate classes, consumption increases or
decreases, and average demand during coincident peak hours, which accounts for the wholesale
demand cost allocations.
The updates proposed for each rate class for 2023 are shown in the graph below, which range
from 3.6% to 5.8%, depending on the rate class. The dark horizontal line represents the average
5.0% increase for the electric fund.
The new 10-year rate forecast based on the larger dataset of real inflation data reflects the 5%
wholesale increase forecasted through 2028. Note it will be necessary to exceed the 5% annual
rate increase ceiling which has historically resulted in more gradual rate adjustments. This
exceedance will be necessary for a few years due to inflationary pressures.
Page 65 of 327
Net-metering Solar Credit
Solar credit rates for residential customers are proposed to stay flat from 2022 to 2023.
Maintaining a level solar credit rate, as retail rates increase over time, is Utility’s gradual
approach to transition to a sustainable solar financial model. This approach does not reduce the
current benefit for existing solar customers and does not change the full retail value for self-
consumed solar.
Staff is also proposing to modify the solar credit for generation pushed back to the grid for small
and medium commercial solar customers. Currently, the credit only accounts for the wholesale
energy component and going forward would include both the wholesale energy and wholesale
demand component. This will increase the credit these customers get from ~4.2 cents / kWh to
~6.2 cents per kWh. Making this change will further incentivize solar installations for these
commercial customers and help increase solar installations across the city.
Water
The cost-of-service model for the “wet utilities” (water, wastewater and stormwater services)
will be updated in 2023. Rate class specific adjustments will be proposed for 2024 based on
those updated models. For 2023, the same rate increase is applied to all of the rate classes.
Staff is proposing a 4% retail rate increase for the water fund in 2023. This is higher than the
initially proposed 2% increase due to the higher costs of materials and impacts to the cost of
borrowing which will increase the amount of interest being paid on any revenue bonds that will
be needed in the coming decade for infrastructure investments.
The long-term financial models have been updated for the “wet utilities” as well as electric. The
results to the ten-year rate forecast for water rates is shown below. Just as for electric services, it
may be necessary to have rate increases in the 5-8% range for a few years, if inflation stays
above 5%.
Wastewater
Staff is proposing a 4% retail rate increase for the wastewater fund in 2023, as well. There has
been a trend in recent years of declining operating revenues for this utility. As this utility is not
immune to the impacts of inflation on its operating costs, it is necessary to increase operating
revenues through rate adjustments to offset these higher costs of providing this service to our
community. At this point the financial model is not indicating a need to exceed the previous 5%
rate limit although it is still driving higher rates than the December forecast contained.
Electric 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027 2028 2029 2030 2031 2032
Rate Increase 2.0% 5.0% 5.0% 4-5% 4-5% 4-6% 6-8% 6-8% 6-8% 4-7% 4-7%
Water 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027 2028 2029 2030 2031 2032
Rate Increase 0.0% 4.0% 4.0% 4-7% 5-8% 5-8% 5-8% 4-7% 4-7% 4-7% 4-7%
Page 66 of 327
The updated ten-year forecast for wastewater rates is shown here:
Stormwater
Staff is proposing a 3% retail rate increase for the stormwater fund in 2023. This is 1% higher
than the December 2021 forecast which is a smaller incremental increase than what is being
proposed for the other utilities. The reasons for this smaller adjustment to the proposed rate
increase for this utility are that a larger portion of operating revenues are available in this fund
for infrastructure investments than the other utilities. There will be a need to issue revenue bonds
for the Oak Street stormwater improvement project this budget cycle (Offer 4.2).
The updated ten-year rate forecast for stormwater services is shown here:
Other Considerations
Staff is also in the process of selecting a vendor to provide a new, modern billing system, which
will occur over the next few years. This investment in a new billing system will be shared by all
four utility services. While the proposed increases for 2023 recognize the cost of this
investment, the primary driver of the rate increases are inflationary pressures on operating costs
with the secondary driver being the total 10-year capital investments of which the billing system
is a one.
Customer Bill Impacts
The table below shows the impacts of the proposed rate change to the average residential
monthly bill. Under the proposed rate changes, a residential customer’s total utility bill, for a
customer receiving all four municipal utility services, would increase by 4.3%, or $7.98 per
month.
Wastewater 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027 2028 2029 2030 2031 2032
Rate Increase 0.0% 4.0% 4.0% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5%
Stormwater 2022 2023 2024 2025 2026 2027 2028 2029 2030 2031 2032
Rate Increase 0.0% 3.0% 3.0% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5% 3-5%
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The table below compares typical residential electric, water, wastewater, and stormwater
monthly utility bills across neighboring utilities along the Front Range, based on 2022
charges. In total, Fort Collins Utilities comes in the lowest at $185.04 for all four services. With
the proposed increases, Fort Collins would move to second lowest, although there are known
increases proposed amongst these other utilities for 2023, as well, with some of them being
substantially higher than the percentage increases proposed for our community.
Proposed Changes to Development Fees
Development fees are the mechanism for Utilities to recover the impact of adding new demand
to the services Utilities provides, including electric, water, wastewater, and stormwater. Plant
Investment Fees (PIFs) and Electric Capacity Fees (ECFs) are one-time charges for new
development or re-development. These fees recover costs for excess capacity of infrastructure
already in place to serve new customers based on the “buy-in” approach, where customers pay
according to new demands they will put on the system, and considers incremental costs of future
infrastructure to serve them.
PIF revenues are a critical revenue stream to help fund new infrastructure but represent a small
portion of the total revenues collected each year for each utility enterprise. The table below
shows what percentage of total revenues is from development fees for each utility:
Every other year, when models are not updated, an inflationary adjustment is applied to utility
development fees. Staff uses the Engineering News Record (ENR) construction cost index to
apply adjustments. With the current uncertainty in the economy driving higher than normal
inflation across the board for most goods and services, staff is proposing a 9% increase to fees
PIF Revenue as %
of Total Revenue
Electric 3%
Water 14%
Wastewater 9%
Stormwater 6%
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for 2023. These fees include the Electric Capacity Fees, Water Plant Investment Fees,
Wastewater Plant Investment Fees, and Stormwater Plant Investment Fees. There has some
variability in the monthly ENR percentages, but the percentages have hovered close to 9% for
most of 2022. Utilities has experienced even higher cost increases with various items, such as
electric transformers, which have increased substantially due to supply chain issues and higher
material costs.
Utility Fee 2023 Proposed
Increase
Electric Capacity Fee (ECF)
9.0%
Water Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
Wastewater Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
Stormwater Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
ATTACHMENTS
Attachment 1 – Powerpoint presentation for Council Finance Committee
Page 69 of 327
Utilities: 2023 Rates & Fees
10-20-2022
City Council
Lance Smith, Utilities Finance Director
1Page 70 of 327
2Direction Sought
Does Council Finance Committee support bringing forward rate
adjustments consistent with what has been discussed through the
budget process for the full City Council’s consideration?
Page 71 of 327
32023 Utility Rates
UTILITY 2023 PROPOSED INCREASE
ELECTRIC 5%
WATER 4%
WASTEWATER 4%
STORMWATER 3%Page 72 of 327
42023 Electric Rates
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52023 Utility Rates
Page 74 of 327
62023 Utility Rates
Page 75 of 327
72023 Development Fees
Utility Fee 2023 Proposed
Increase
Electric Capacity Fee (ECF)
9%Water Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
Wastewater Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
Stormwater Plant Investment Fee (PIF)
•Engineering News Record –Construction Cost Index
•Water Supply Requirement (WSR) and Excess Water Use (EWU) will not be adjusted until Q1 or Q2 of 2023
•ECF categories modified to align with building code regarding electric heat
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8
Thank you
Page 77 of 327
Page 78 of 327
COUNCIL FINANCE COMMITTEE
AGENDA ITEM SUMMARY
Staff: Adam Bromley, Director of Electrical Engineering
Lance Smith, Utilities Strategic Finance Director
Date: October 20, 2022
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION
Meter Data Management System Upgrade Appropriation Request
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Meter Data Management System (MDMS) owned and operated by Utilities has been in
place since the inception of the Advanced Meter Fort Collins implementation. It receives water
and electric meter reads for all advanced meters across Fort Collins service territory throughout
the day, performs quality checks on that data, and then at the end of the billing cycle it calculates
the billing determinants for each customer that are necessary to generate individual customer
bills.
Fort Collins has been utilizing the same version of the software, EnergyIP, since it was installed.
For a number of reasons that will be described below, this software must be upgraded to a more
current version and the upgrade cannot wait for the new budget cycle to begin (i.e. January
2023). Fort Collins staff will need vendor support to complete this major software version
upgrade.
As the MDMS system supports both the water and electric utilities, the cost of the upgrade will
be shared between them. Utilities has historically allocated costs for shared software based on
customer counts a determined by the number of deployed meters to establish the cost share for
each utility. Applying this method here, the Water Enterprise’s share of this expense would be
31.6% and the Light & Power Enterprise’s share would be 68.4%. The total supplemental
appropriation being proposed for your consideration is for $629,588, with the individual
appropriations from each utility’s reserves as specified below:
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
1. Does Council Finance Committee support an off-cycle appropriation of Water and L&P
reserves that will fund vendor support of a major version upgrade of the Utilities Meter
Data Management System (MDMS)?
Light & Power $430,638
Water $198,950
Total Cost of MDMS Upgrade $629,588
Page 79 of 327
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
Fort Collins staff knew that a version upgrade to the MDMS was needed back in 2018 and had
planned to complete the upgrade at that time with the use of internal resources only. Staff
attended vendor training specific to this upgrade in order to support it. The staff that were
identified to complete this upgrade in 2018 subsequently were taken from this project to devote
their expertise on the Utilities Customer Information System (CIS) upgrade project that was a
higher priority due to the immediate customer/billing needs for the new Connexion utility. This
meant that the MDMS upgrade was put on hold, which may have benefited Utilities in the long
run. This is because as other utilities utilizing the same MDMS implemented their own
migrations to the newer versions, which included significant architectural changes, the vendor
realized that these migrations were much too complicated without third-party assistance.
Now that the organization has stepped back from the engagement with the previous CIS vendor
and is planning a new CIS upgrade projected to be initiated in 2023, staff and management
identified the window of time prior to the CIS project to complete the previously delayed
upgrade to MDMS. There are several reasons that completing this upgrade now is imperative
which include:
• Functionality included in the new version will reduce manual work and
customizations:
o More robust data Validation, Editing, and Estimation (VEE)
algorithm/process that greatly reduces manual action and intervention
o Enables use and storage of more electric meter channels which provides
billing determinant calculations for our largest Commercial & Industrial
(C&I) customers; this is currently calculated in a third-party software which
entails a high volume of manual work
o Reports that were previously custom developed through an external
program will now be included inherently to the software
• Existing version is extremely outdated; extended support for the current 7.2
version is not sustainable
• New version is much more stable and will eliminate many of the billing issues
encountered on a monthly basis
• Current version of software relies on older versions of browsers (now
unsupported) and other no longer supported software technologies which is a cyber
security vulnerability
• Application servers (non-database) for this version are located on a very old
version of Linux RedHat because it will not operate on more recent, supported
versions
• The current version of Oracle being utilized will deprecate support at the end of
2022
Staff has engaged with vendor support companies and other users of the software to conclude
that the most effective way to complete a successful upgrade is to utilize external support that
has previously completed upgrades from our current version to the newest version of software.
To complete this upgrade prior to the CIS upgrade project, staff has solicited for external support
through an RFP process.
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After completing an RFP process, staff has a better understanding of the full costs involved in
obtaining external support. The provided quote for those services was approximately $630K. As
mentioned above in the summary, L&P and Water share the costs of this system depending on
their respective meter counts. The total supplemental appropriation being proposed for your
consideration is for $629,588, with the individual appropriations from each utility’s reserves as
specified below:
The following table shows where L&P reserves are and where they will be after this
supplemental appropriation:
ATTACHMENTS
Attachment 1 – Energy Board minutes on discussion of appropriation
Attachment 2 – Water Commission minutes on discussion of appropriation
Light & Power $430,638
Water $198,950
Total Cost of MDMS Upgrade $629,588
Light & Power Water
Year End 2021 Reserve Balance $64.6 $84.3
Minimum Required ($8.1)($5.8)
Appropriated Prior to 2022 ($18.8)($37.2)
2022 Connexion Appropriation ($20.0)
2022 Transformer Appropriation ($3.6)
2023-24 CMO Recommended Budget ($0.8)($29.2)
Available Reserves Before This Request $13.3 $12.1
MDMS Upgrade ($0.4)($0.2)
Remaining Available Reserves $12.9M $11.9M
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Attachment 1
ENERGY BOARD April 14, 2022 – 5:30 pm 222 Laporte Ave – Colorado Room
ROLL CALL
Board Members Present: Bill Becker, Alan Braslau, Steve Tenbrink, Jeremy Giovando, Dan Gould,
Sidra Aghabibian, John Fassler, Councilmember Canonico
Board Members Absent: Marge Moore, Emilio Ramirez
METER DATA MANAGEMENT UPGRADE: OFF-CYCLE
APPROPRIATION REQUEST
Adam Bromley, Interim Deputy Director, Utilities Light & Power
(Attachments available upon request)
Meter Data Management provides a number of vital functions for the Utility in the realm of metering data,
metering operations, and billing customers. The software product the Utility uses is from Siemens, called
EnergyIP, and the biggest component of this software is a database that stores historical energy usage
and water consumption data for every Utilities customer. It validates the incoming data, as well as
estimates and edits that data when data is missing or incorrect; known as “VEE” process (Validation
Estimation Editing). EnergyIP uses 15-minute interval energy usage data and water consumption data to
create billing determinants for the CIS (Customer Information System), and these billing determinants are
ultimately what’s used to create an accurate bill for each customer, including the residential Time-of-Day
electric rate. It also provides data exports to the three web portals (Franklin, WaterSmart, MV-Web for
Commercial & Industrial) for customer consumption presentment and provides access to meter data and
report creation (for example: the alerts to customers when there is a potential water leak in their home or
business).
Beginning in 2011, the Advanced Metering Infrastructure (AMI) project was implemented concurrently
with the implementation of MDMS. In 2018, the Utility planned to upgrade from EnergyIP version 7.2 to
8.7 (staff attended the upgrade training); however, the inception of Connexion diverted personnel
resources toward a new CIS to meet the needs of the new service and the EnergyIP upgrade was
postponed. In late 2021 the CIS project was also delayed, and now Staff hopes to implement early next
year (2023). This year, Staff plans to upgrade from EnergyIP version 7.2 to 9.0, as Utilities IT personnel
have available bandwidth (with plans to attend the upgrade training again).
The newest release of EnergyIP includes: a more robust and automated VEE algorithm/process that
greatly reduces manual action and intervention, as well as the ability to use and store more electric meter
data channels (i.e., kVAR or power factor) that enables billing determinant calculations for largest C&I
customers. This work is currently done through a third-party software called MV-90 and the process
entails a lot of manual work, and some reports that were previously written externally are now included in
base functionality.
The upgrade is necessary now for many reasons. Older versions of software no longer supported or
sustainable, and there are cyber security risks; the servers on EnergyIP version 7.2 are on a very old
version of Linux RedHat because it will not operate on more recent, supported versions.
The upgrade creates some urgency due to the dependencies within other utilities projects. The MDMS
upgrade must be complete and stable before the CIS upgrade can begin. The CIS RFP (request for
proposal) creation begins in 2022 with implementation starting in 2023, and this work will require Utilities
IT staff. Additionally, the AMI Headend upgrade completion is scheduled for June 2022, which is
necessary to support AMI data collection hardware in field.
For a normal version upgrade, internal staff has the bandwidth and expertise to perform a large portion of
the version upgrade tasks; however, there is a fundamental change in system architecture that
necessitates a high level of support from Advanta (Siemens consulting branch) to ensure the upgrade is
successful. If Advanta performs all tasks (including Data Migration) associated with upgrade the original
cost would be roughly $994,000. Staff made the decision to not do any data migration, which would mean
the data is accessible as needed but the 7.2 version will be standalone. There are two secondary options:
Page 82 of 327
Option 1 will have Advanta performing a turn-key solution, with no Data Migration (roughly $750,000), or
Option 2 with Utilities Staff leading all tasks with Advanta support (roughly $662,000).
Board member Braslau wondered if there is cybersecurity risk in maintaining version 7.2 as a
standalone? Mr. Burkes said the risk can be minimized because staff won’t be processing the same
interval data in parallel after a certain point, so the 7.2 version will be archival only.
Due to the savings (about $250,000) to not migrate data, Staff recommends Option 2, where staff is
heavily involved in upgrade tasks. A highly knowledgeable staff can operate system more effectively, and
the firm cost quote eliminates possibility of needing additional vendor support. The total off cycle
appropriation request is %550,000; $376,200 from Light & Power and $173,800 from Water (there is no
storm or wastewater data in MDMS, so they do not need to contribute funding).
Chairperson Tenbrink wondered what is the critical path is. Mr. Bromley said the critical path would be
implementation before the new CIS. Vice Chairperson Becker wondered if the first release got the
lifespan staff thought it would, and where does the new release stand (are we on the early side of
release), will the new release have a similar lifespan? Mr. Bromley said yes, the Utility got at least four
extra years out of the first release, and we are early in the newest release so there will be a lot of life
ahead of it.
Board member Fassler moved to support an off-cycle appropriation of L&P reserves that will fund
vendor support of a major version upgrade of the Utilities Meter Data Management System
(MDMS).
Board member Aghababian seconded the motion.
Discussion:
None.
Vote on the motion: It passed unanimously, 6-0
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Attachment 2
WATER COMMISSION REGULAR MEETING April 21, 2022, 5:30-7:30 p.m. Hybrid in person at
222 LaPorte Ave and online via Zoom
ROLL CALL
• Commissioners Present: Jason Tarry (Chairperson), John Primsky, Kent Bruxvoort, Paul Herman,
Jordan Radin, Rick Kahn, Randy Kenyon
• Commissioners Absent - Excused: Greg Steed (Vice Chairperson), Tyler Eldridge
• Staff Members Present: Jason Graham, Adam Bromley, Lori Clements, Mary Evans, Michael Neale,
Lance Smith, Mariel Miller, Donnie Dustin, John Song, Kendall Minor, Marcus Coldiron, Eric Potyondy
METER DATA MANAGEMENT UPGRADE: OFF-CYCLE APPROPRIATION
REQUEST
Adam Bromley, Interim Utilities Deputy Director of Light and Power, presented on the Meter Data
Management System, which is a database that stores historical energy usage and water consumption
data for every Utilities customer and provides validation of that incoming data, as well as estimating and
editing that data when data is missing or incorrect, a process called VEE (Validation Estimating Editing).
Discussion Highlights A Commissioner requested clarification as to the reason why the appropriation
needs to be made. Mr. Bromley responded that the new version of the software has a fundamental
change in the architecture, and so the vendor had found that migration efforts and transitions were more
difficult than anticipated without vendor support. Another Commissioner asked and Mr. Bromley
confirmed that there are foreseeable security risks if the upgrade isn’t made. Another Commissioner
inquired if the vendor has made the upgrade from version 7.2 straight to 9.0. Mary Evans responded that
the vendor has successfully made the upgrade before. She went on to add that the appropriation
includes a project management professional from the vendor. Commissioner Kahn moved that the
Water Commission recommend City Council support an off-cycle appropriation of Water reserves that
will fund vendor support of a major version upgrade of the Utilities Meter Data Management System
(MDMS)? Commissioner Bruxvoort seconded the motion.
Vote on the Motion: it passed unanimously, 7-0
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1
COUNCIL FINANCE COMMITTEE
AGENDA ITEM SUMMARY
Staff: Heather Young, Utilities Community Engagement
Shannon Ash, Utilities Community Engagement
Date: October 20, 2022
SUBJECT FOR DISCUSSION
Income-Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP) Update, Proposed Changes, and Program
Adoption
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The Income-Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP) that provides income-qualified Fort Collins
Utilities (Utilities) customers reduced rates on select Utilities services was introduced in October
2018 as a pilot program. The IQAP program bill adjustment effectively applies a 23% rate
discount on electric, water, and wastewater services, and is due to expire December 31, 2022. In
July 2021, City Council approved moving the program from an application-based, opt-in
program to an auto-enroll, opt-out program, subject to participants’ participation in the
complementary state Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP). At that time, City
Council also requested an evaluation of the discounted rate percentage to ensure it was still
sufficient to meet program objectives. Since July 2021, participation in IQAP has increased
128%. Staff are planning to provide City Council an update on the program on November 1,
2022 and will be seeking a motion from City Council to adopt the program.
GENERAL DIRECTION SOUGHT AND SPECIFIC QUESTIONS TO BE ANSWERED
Staff are seeking adoption of IQAP by City Council to transition the program from a pilot
program to an ongoing program and are requesting an increase of the bill adjustment from 23%
to 25% to ensure that low-income customers spend a similar percentage of household income on
utilities as someone who makes 100% of Area Median Income (AMI).
• Does the Council Finance Committee support the continuation and adoption of IQAP as a
regular initiative?
• Does the Council Finance Committee support increasing the bill adjustment discount
from 23% to 25%?
STAFF RECOMMENDATION
Staff recommends adopting IQAP as an ongoing program to support Utilities customers and
increasing the program discount from 23% to 25% for participating customer bills. Adopting this
program on a permanent basis aligns with existing community, City, and Utilities priorities and
is an investment in our community.
BACKGROUND/DISCUSSION
The Income-Qualified Assistance Program was approved as a pilot by City Council and launched
in October 2018. The program was designed to reduce utility burdens for qualifying low-income
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2
participants that opt-in to the program by giving them a 23% discount on specific rate
components of electric, water, and wastewater service bills. Utilities partnered with LEAP for
income-eligibility verification for IQAP. LEAP eligibility is based on household size and an
income threshold of 60% of State Median Income.
When IQAP launched, Utilities customers enrolled in the current or past LEAP season were
eligible to complete an application to “opt-in” to participate in IQAP. Utilities sent bulk invites
via mail or email to LEAP-enrolled customers annually to encourage them to apply for
participation in IQAP. Customers could fill out an application at any time during the year to be
enrolled in the program, provided their LEAP enrollment could be verified. Applications were
completed online or via a paper form. Once an application was received by Utilities staff, the
customer’s LEAP enrollment was verified, and their service bills were adjusted for the applicable
services.
In July 2021, City Council approved an extension of the pilot program and changed the
enrollment structure from application-based, opt-in to auto-enroll, opt-out based on customers’
qualification and participation in LEAP. The intent of the opt-out approach was to increase
overall participation while reducing administrative requirements for processing applications. The
current pilot and associated discount are set to expire December 31, 2022, pursuant to City Code
§26-724.
Utility Burden
One of the main reasons IQAP was implemented was to help offset the utility burden some
customers experience. Utility burden is defined as the percentage of a household’s income that is
spent on utility services such as electric, water, wastewater, and gas. Low-income households
have been found to have disproportionately high utility burdens when compared to non-low-
income households. Contributing factors include race, ethnicity, and low-quality housing.
Utility costs also continue to increase faster than income, both locally and nationally. Some
customers are on a fixed income, especially seniors. Inflation means people have to spend more
of their income on basic needs like utilities, and without access to heating, cooling, and water,
unpaid utility bills can lead to dire health impacts. As temperatures increase due to climate
change, customers use more energy. The cost of that energy also increases as the City and Platte
River Power Authority work towards securing carbon-neutral energy sources.
Current Program Design
The IQAP pilot bill adjustment was designed as a multi-pronged approach to helping low-
income households (at or below 60% AMI) achieve utility burdens that are more similar to those
of households with 100% AMI. The IQAP 23% bill discount was designed to be combined with
LEAP benefits and in-home conservation efforts to reduce participants’ utility burdens to more
average levels (approximately 3.1% of income).
Utilities continues to partner with LEAP for income-eligibility verification to allow for auto-
enrollment into IQAP. Utilities staff receives monthly lists of approved customers during the
LEAP season. These lists are then verified by staff to confirm the customer is a Utilities account
holder and if so, staff submits a billing rate adjustment request to the Billing office. The
customer is mailed a confirmation letter informing them that they have been enrolled in IQAP
for the year, along with conservation education materials and additional program information.
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3
IQAP participants are encouraged to participate in no-cost conservation programs such as
Larimer County Conservation Corps (LCCC) retrofits and/or Colorado Affordable Residential
Energy Program (CARE) to make their dwellings more efficient and to help reduce utility costs
further. They also receive the monthly Utilities Insights newsletter (fcgov.com/utilities/utilities-
insights) that provides low- or no-cost tips and tricks for reducing utility use and costs. These
ancillary program communications extend the reach of Utilities conservation and efficiency
outreach efforts, delivering this key information to and improving user habits in households that
historically are unlikely to participate in these efforts. Educating and creating incentives for
conservation and efficiency shifts in these households allows the City and Utilities to more
aggressively achieve our environmental goals in a progressive manner.
Program Update
Since the launch of IQAP, participation has continued to increase and additional intentional
outreach into the community is expected to gradually increase enrollment.
*Anticipating a 10% increase from the previous year
Estimated total reach is 10,000 households using a city-wide poverty rate of ~16%, based on
2021 Census Bureau data combined with controlling for the student population in Fort Collins
(City Rebates Eval Report, 2019).
Utilities staff members have begun reaching out to partner agencies to discuss outreach
opportunities. The goal is to increase awareness of LEAP and Utilities affordability programs.
Utilities staff have identified underserved locations in the community using data from the Equity
Office and will focus outreach opportunities in those areas.
According to current survey results, the majority of IQAP customers continue to be satisfied or
very satisfied in the auto-enrollment process. The change from an application-based structure to
auto-enrollment has increased program participation by approximately 128%.
Energy Use Analysis
At the launch of IQAP, an assumption was made that program participants would use less energy
compared to those not in the program because participants were connected with CARE, LCCC,
and other efficiency programs. Data analysis has shown that IQAP participants initially use
slightly more energy (2.9% on average), but by year three of enrollment, energy use between
IQAP and non-IQAP customers was similar. This can be attributed to customers being able to
afford to heat and cool their homes at comfortable temperatures because it is more affordable.
According to survey results, customers identify increased quality of life as a benefit of IQAP.
Rate Reduction Evaluation
In July 2021, Council requested an evaluation to determine if the 23% rate reduction was still
sufficient. Utilities staff conducted an analysis to determine the percentage that it would take for
a low-income customer to spend a similar amount on utilities as someone who makes 100%
AMI. For this evaluation, Utilities staff used the same methodology to estimate the necessary
2021 Participation 2022 Participation 2023 Estimated Participation
759 1,727 1,900*
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4
rate reduction amount using updated utility and income data. The analysis took the LEAP benefit
and non-City gas bills into consideration and calculated the necessary discount rate to be 25%.
Utilities staff expects the increased rate reduction will help offset the high energy burden and
energy insecurity that continues to increase in our community and throughout the nation. This
difference amounts to ~$20/year/customer.
BOARD/COMMISSION FEEDBACK
As part of outreach for this program, Utilities staff visited or will visit Energy Board, Affordable
Housing Board, Senior Advisory Board and Water Commission. To date, Energy Board and the
Affordable Housing Board are supportive of this program adoption, based on feedback provided
at their September/October regular meetings. This section will be updated as we receive
additional feedback.
CITY FINANCIAL IMPACTS
Based on current enrollment numbers (1,727 participants), customers receive an average IQAP
discount of $220.50/year with a 23% rate reduction. The total annual cost to Utilities is
~$392,000. With a 25% rate reduction, customers would receive an average discount of
$240/year. The total annual cost to Utilities would be ~$415,000, or an annual increase of
~$23,000. The total cost of this program is nominal relative to the annual operating budget of
Utilities and would minimally impact other Utilities customers. Increasing the IQAP bill
discount, as proposed, is not anticipated to significantly affect the Utilities costs nor contribute to
the need for additional rate increases.
PUBLIC OUTREACH
Every year, participants in IQAP are offered an opportunity to complete a program survey.
Participants are asked questions such as, “What has been the biggest benefit of receiving the
IQAP utility bill discount?” and “Is there anything you would like to change about the Income-
Qualified Assistance Program?” The overwhelming majority of participants report they are
satisfied or very satisfied with the ease of enrollment and the discount they receive. They list
increased quality of life, being able to save money for other expenses, decreased stress with
paying bills, being educated on ways to conserve energy, and budgeting on a fixed income as
some of the benefits because of IQAP. When asked about changes they would like to see to the
program, a larger discount was listed repeatedly.
Utilities staff have scheduled outreach opportunities in the community for this upcoming LEAP
season to increase awareness of the program and assist with applications. Several partner
agencies throughout Fort Collins have agreed to host tabling events, which will allow Utilities
staff to reach community members in locations they trust. These locations were selected to
ensure accessibility to the community, from the north side to the south side of the city.
ATTACHMENTS
Attachment 1: American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy (ACEEE) Energy Burden
Report, September 2020 (PDF)
Attachment 2: Apex Analytics Updated IQAP Findings (PDF)
Attachment 3: A ‘Tsunami of Shutoffs’: 20 Million US Homes Are Behind on Energy Bills
(PDF)
Attachment 4: https://www.npr.org/2022/09/13/1122371879/electricity-utilities-gasoline-gas-
prices-inflation-august-cpi-consumer-prices
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5
Attachment 5: U.S. Department of Energy: “Low-Income Household Energy Burden Varies
Among States — Efficiency Can Help In All of Them” (PDF)
Attachment 6: City of Fort Collins City Rebates Eval Report, 2019 (PDF)
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aceee.org
An Assessment of National and Metropolitan Energy Burden across the United States
SEPTEMBER 2020
Ariel Drehobl, Lauren Ross, and Roxana Ayala
How High Are Household Energy Burdens?
Page 90 of 327
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Ariel Drehobl conducts research, analysis, and outreach on local-level energy efficiency policies and initiatives, with
a focus on energy affordability, energy equity, and limited-income communities. Ariel earned a master of science in
environmental science, policy, and management from a joint-degree program that awarded degrees from Central
European University in Hungary, Lund University in Sweden, and the University of Manchester in the United Kingdom.
She earned a bachelor of arts in history and international studies from Northwestern University.
Lauren Ross oversees ACEEE’s work related to the local implementation of energy efficiency. Her research
concentrates on the nexus of affordable housing, energy efficiency, and cities. She leads ACEEE’s efforts to improve
policies and expand utility programs to promote energy efficiency in low-income and multifamily households.
Lauren earned a PhD in urban sociology from Temple University, a master of arts in urban sociology from the George
Washington University, and a bachelor of arts in political science from the University of Delaware.
Roxana Ayala assists with research, writing, and technical support on local-level energy efficiency policies and
initiatives, with a focus on energy equity. Roxana earned a bachelor of arts in environmental studies and urban studies
from the University of California, Irvine.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This report was made possible through the generous support of the Kresge Foundation. The authors gratefully
acknowledge external reviewers, internal reviewers, colleagues, and sponsors who supported this report.
The authors are grateful for the external reviews provided by the following experts. Note that external review and
support do not imply affiliation or endorsement.
Ansha Zaman, Center for Earth, Energy, and Democracy; Chandra Farley, Partnership for Southern Equity; David
Reinbolt, Ohio Partners for Affordable Energy; Denise Abdul-Rahman, NAACP; Deron Lovaas, NRDC; Diana Hernandez,
Columbia University; Elizabeth Chant, Optimal Energy; Jackie Berger, APPRISE; Jacquie Moss, Texas Energy Poverty
Research Institute; Lauren Wentz, VEIC; Matt Cox, Greenlink Group; Michael DiRamio, NYSERDA; Pam Mendelson, U.S.
Department of Energy; Todd Nedwick, National Housing Trust; Tony Reames, University of Michigan; Valerie Strauss,
Association for Energy Affordability; and Zelalem Adefris, Catalyst Miami.
The authors are also grateful to internal reviewers at ACEEE, including Jennifer Amann, Buildings Program Director;
Maggie Molina, Senior Director for Policy; Martin Kushler, Senior Fellow; Reuven Sussman, Behavior Change Program
Director; Stefen Samarripas, Senior Researcher; and Steve Nadel, Executive Director.
Last, the authors would like to thank Mary Robert Carter for managing the editorial process, Mariel Wolfson for
developmental editing, Keri Schreiner for copyediting, Roxanna Usher and Sean O’Brien for proofreading, Kate
Doughty for graphics support, Tanja Bos for graphic design, and Ben Somberg and Maxine Chikumbo for their help in
launching this report.
© American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy
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Contents
Executive Summary .........................................................................................................................................................................ii
Introduction .....................................................................................................................................................................................1
Background .....................................................................................................................................................................................2
Systemic Patterns and Causes of Inequities .........................................................................................................................2
Limited Access to Energy Programs ......................................................................................................................................3
Definition and Drivers of High Energy Burdens ..................................................................................................................3
Adverse Effects of High Energy Burdens.............................................................................................................................. 5
Impact of COVID-19 on Energy Insecurity ...........................................................................................................................6
Methods ...........................................................................................................................................................................................7
Limitations ................................................................................................................................................................................8
Energy Burden Findings ................................................................................................................................................................9
National Energy Burdens ........................................................................................................................................................9
Regional Energy Burdens .....................................................................................................................................................13
Metro Area Energy Burdens .................................................................................................................................................14
Low-Income Weatherization Can Reduce High Energy Burdens ...........................................................................................19
Strategies to Ramp-Up, Improve, and Better Target Low-Income Housing Retrofits,
Energy Efficiency, and Weatherization ......................................................................................................................................20
Design to Meet the Needs of Highly Burdened Communities ........................................................................................21
Ramp-Up Investment in Low-Income Housing Retrofits, Energy Efficiency, and Weatherization ................................24
Improve Program Design, Delivery, and Evaluation through Best Practices and Community Engagement .............27
Conclusions and Further Research .............................................................................................................................................30
References .....................................................................................................................................................................................32
Appendix A. Energy Burden Data ..............................................................................................................................................38
Appendix B. High and Severe Energy Burdens ........................................................................................................................51
Appendix C. City- and State-Led Actions to Address High Energy Burdens .......................................................................63
Appendix D. Low-Income Energy Efficiency Program Best Practices ....................................................................................66
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Executive Summary
1 Researchers estimate that housing costs should be no more than 30% of household income, and household energy costs should be no more than 20% of housing costs. This means that affordable household energy costs should be no more than 6% of total household income. For decades, researchers have used the thresholds of 6% as a high burden and 10% as a severe burden (APPRISE 2005). Note that high and severe energy burdens are not mutually exclusive. All severe energy burdens (> 10%) also fall into the high burden category (> 6%).
KEY TAKEAWAYS
n New research based on data from 2017 finds that high energy burdens remain a persistent national challenge.
Of all U.S. households, 25% (30.6 million) face a high energy burden (i.e., pay more than 6% of income on energy
bills) and 13% (15.9 million) of U.S. households face a severe energy burden (i.e., pay more than 10% of income on
energy).1
n Nationally, 67% (25.8 million) of low-income households (≤ 200% of the federal poverty level [FPL]) face a high
energy burden and 60% (15.4 million) of low-income households with a high energy burden face a severe energy
burden.
n The East South Central Region (i.e., Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, and Tennessee) has the highest percentage of
households with high energy burdens (38%) as compared to other regions.
n Black, Hispanic, Native American, and older adult households, as well as families residing in low-income
multifamily housing, manufactured housing, and older buildings experience disproportionally high energy
burdens nationally, regionally, and in metro areas.
n Weatherization can reduce low-income household energy burdens by about 25%, making it an effective strategy to
reduce high energy burdens for households with high energy use while also benefiting the environment.
n Leading cities and states have begun to incorporate energy burden goals into strategies and plans and to create
local policies and programs to achieve more equitable energy outcomes in their communities. They are pursuing
these goals through increased investment in energy efficiency, weatherization, and renewable energy.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS? Page 93 of 327
T his report provides an updated snapshot of U.S. energy burdens (i.e., the percentage of
household income spent on home energy bills) nationally, regionally, and in 25 select
metro areas in the United States.1,2 Both high and severe energy burdens are caused
by physical, economic, social, and behavioral factors, and they impact physical and mental
health, education, nutrition, job performance, and community development. Energy efficiency
and weatherization can help address energy insecurity (i.e., the inability to adequately meet basic
household heating, cooling, and energy needs over time) by improving building energy efficiency,
reducing energy bills, and improving indoor air quality and comfort (Hernández 2016).
We recognize that the economic recession brought
on by the global COVID-19 pandemic has greatly
increased U.S. energy insecurity and also interrupted
weatherization and energy efficiency programs
nationally. While this report measures energy burdens
using 2017 data from the American Housing Survey
(AHS), we anticipate the recession will lead to a further
increase in energy insecurity and higher energy burdens
in 2020 and beyond.
Methods
This study calculates energy burdens using the AHS,
which includes a national and regional dataset as well
as a dataset of 25 metropolitan statistical areas.4 We
calculate energy burdens across all households and
in a variety of subgroups to identify those that spend
disproportionally more of their income on energy
bills than otherwise similar groups, analyzing across
income, housing type, tenure status, race, ethnicity, and
age of occupant and structure. We also calculate the
percentage of households nationally, regionally, and in
each select metro area that have high energy burdens
(i.e., spend more than 6% of income on home energy
bills) and severe energy burdens (i.e., spend more than
10% of income on home energy bills). We do not include
households who do not directly pay for their energy bills.
Energy Burden Findings
NATIONAL ENERGY BURDENS
U.S. households spend an average of 3.1% of income
on home energy bills. Figure ES1 presents our national
energy burden findings by subgroup. We acknowledge
that many highly burdened groups are intersectional,
meaning that they face compounding, intersecting
causes of inequality and injustice, with energy burden
representing one facet of inequity. The following are key
national findings:
n Low-income households spend three times more
of their income on energy costs compared to the
median spending of non-low-income households
(8.1% versus 2.3%).
n Low-income multifamily households spend 2.3 times
more of their income on energy costs compared
to the median spending of multifamily households
(5.6% versus 2.4%).
n The median energy burden for Black households is
43% higher than for non-Hispanic white households
(4.2% versus 2.9%), and the median energy burden
for Hispanic households is 20% higher than that for
non-Hispanic white households (3.5% versus 2.9%).
n The median renter energy burden is 13% higher than
that of the median owner (3.4% versus 3.0%).
n More than 25% (30.6 million) of U.S. households
experience a high energy burden, and about 50%
(15.9 million) of households with a high energy
burden face a severe energy burden.5
n Of low-income households (≤ 200% FPL), 67% (25.8
million) experience a high energy burden, and 60%
(15.4 million) of those households with a high energy
burden face a severe energy burden.
n Low-income households, Black, Hispanic, Native
American, renters, and older adult households all
have disproportionately higher energy burdens than
the national median household.
2 This study focuses on home energy burden and includes electricity and heating fuels. Note that the study does not include transportation, water, or telecommunication cost burdens in its energy burden calculations.
3 This report provides an update to ACEEE’s previous energy burden research. Drehobl and Ross (2016) analyzed 2011 and 2013 American Housing Survey (AHS) data, and Ross, Drehobl, and Stickles (2018) analyzed 2015 AHS data. This report analyzes 2017 AHS data, the most recent data available as of publication.
4 We include the 25 metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) sampled for the 2017 AHS: Atlanta, Baltimore, Birmingham, Boston, Chicago, Dallas, Detroit, Houston, Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Miami, Minneapolis, New York City, Oklahoma City, Philadelphia, Phoenix, Richmond, Riverside, Rochester, San Antonio, San Francisco, San Jose, Seattle, Tampa, and Washington, DC.
5 Note that high and severe energy burdens are not mutually exclusive. All severe energy burdens (> 10%) also fall into the high burden category (> 6%).
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS? Page 94 of 327
FIGURE ES1. National energy burdens across subgroups (i.e., income, race and ethnicity, age,
tenure, and housing type) compared to the national median energy burden
REGIONAL ENERGY BURDENS
We find that the national trends hold true across
the nine census regions. The following are our key
regional findings:
n Across all nine regions, low-income household
energy burdens are 2.1–3 times higher than the
median energy burden.
n The East South Central region (i.e., Alabama,
Kentucky, Mississippi, Tennessee) has the greatest
percentage of households (38%) with high energy
burdens, followed by East North Central (i.e., Illinois,
Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin), New England
(Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire,
Rhode Island, Vermont), and Middle Atlantic regions
(i.e., New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania) (all 29%).
n The gap between low-income and median energy
burdens is largest in the New England, Pacific (i.e.,
Alaska, California, Hawaii, Oregon, Washington), and
Middle Atlantic regions.
n The South Atlantic region (i.e., Delaware, DC, Florida,
Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Virginia, West Virginia) had the greatest number of
households (6.3 million) with high burdens, followed
by the East North Central (5.4 million) and Middle
Atlantic (4.6 million) regions.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
MEDIAN
ENERGY
BURDEN:3.%
10%
9%
8%
7%
6%
5%
4%
3%
2%
1% Low-income with older adults (65+) Low-income ( 200% FPL)Low-income with disability Low-income with children (under 6) Non-low-income (> 200% FPL)Native AmericanBlack HispanicWhite (non-Hispanic) Low-income multifamily (5+ units and 200% FPL)Older adults (65+)Renters Owners Manufactured homes Built before 1980 Small multifamily (2—4 units)Built after 1980Multifamily (5+ units) Single family9.3%
4.2%4.2%
3.4% 3.4%3.%2.8%2.4%
5.6%
5.3%
3.4%3.0%3.5%2.8%
4.%
8.7%
8.%
7.%
2.3%
n Income n Race and ethnicity n Age n Tenure n Housing type
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FIGURE ES2. Strategies to improve and expand low-income energy efficiency and
weatherization programs
6 We define the “average household” energy burden as the median across all households in the sample (i.e., in each MSA).
METRO AREA ENERGY BURDENS
National and regional patterns are mirrored in cities.
The following are our key metropolitan area findings:
n Low-income households experience energy burdens
at least two times higher than that of the average
household in each metropolitan area included in
the study.6
n Black and Hispanic households experience
higher energy burdens than non-Hispanic white
households; renters experience higher energy
burdens than owners; and people living in buildings
built before 1980 experience higher energy burdens
than people living in buildings built after 1980 across
all metro areas in the study.
n Six metro areas have a greater percentage of
households with a high energy burden than the
national average (25%), including Birmingham (34%),
Detroit (30%), Riverside (29%), Rochester (29%),
Atlanta (28%), and Philadelphia (26%).
n In five metro areas—Baltimore, Philadelphia, Detroit,
Boston, and Birmingham—at least one-quarter of
low-income households have energy burdens above
18%, which is three times the high energy burden
threshold of 6%.
See the body of the report for additional images,
maps, charts, and data on energy burden calculations
nationally, regionally, and in metro areas.
Strategies to Accelerate, Improve,
and Better Target Low-Income
Housing Retrofits and Weatherization
Clean energy investments—such as energy efficiency,
weatherization, and renewable energy—can provide
a long-term, high-impact solution to lowering high
energy burdens. By investing in energy efficiency and
weatherization first or alongside renewable energy
technologies, these measures can reduce whole-home
energy use to maximize the costs and benefits of
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Design to meet the
needs of highly
burdened communities
Set energy affordability goals
and track outcomes
Identify highly burdened
groups for programs to serve
Ramp-up investment
in low-income housing
retrofits, energy efficiency,
and weatherization
Increase federal funding for
LIHEAP and WAP
Increase local, state, and utility
funding for energy efficiency
and weatherization
Integrate energy, health, and
housing funding and resources
Enable accessible and fair
financing options
Improve program
design, delivery, and
evaluation through best
practices and community
engagement
Conduct collaborative and effective community engagement
Encourage best practices for program design, delivery, and evaluation to maximize program benefits in low-income communities
Page 96 of 327
additional renewable energy generation. This report
focuses on weatherization and energy efficiency as
long-term solutions to reducing high energy burdens;
these solutions can be combined with renewable
energy investments and/or electrification strategies
that reduce energy bills for additional impact. Based on
prior evidence of how weatherization reduces average
customer bills, we estimate that it can reduce low-income
household energy burden by 25%.7
To ensure that more low-income and highly energy
burdened households receive much-needed
energy efficiency and weatherization investments,
we recommend that policymakers and program
implementers design policies and programs to meet
the needs of highly burdened communities and set up
processes for evaluation and accountability processes.
This involves engaging with community members
from the start, increasing funding for low-income
weatherization and energy efficiency, and integrating
best practices into program design and implementation.
Figure ES2 depicts this actionable framework. For more
information about these strategies, see the full report.
7 We assume 25% savings from energy efficiency upgrades based on the U.S. Department of Energy’s estimate (DOE 2014) and use the median low-income household values to calculate a 25% reduction. We reduced the median low-income energy bill by 25% from $1,464 to $1,098. Using the median low-income household income of $18,000, this equates to a reduced energy burden of 6.1%. Reducing the median low-income energy burden from 8.1% to 6.1% is a 25% reduction.
Conclusions and Next Steps
Energy affordability remains a national crisis, with low-
income households, communities of color, renters, and
older adults experiencing disproportionally higher
energy burdens than the average household nationally,
regionally, and in metro areas. This study finds that each
MSA has both similar and unique energy affordability
inequities. Further research can help better understand
the intersectional drivers of high energy burdens and the
policies best suited to improve local energy affordability.
Climate change and the global pandemic also
underscore the urgency in addressing high household
energy burdens. As temperatures continue to rise and
heat waves become more common, access to clean,
affordable energy is needed more than ever to prevent
indoor heat-related illnesses and deaths.
Cities, states, and utilities are well positioned to build on
this research and conduct more targeted and detailed
energy burden analyses, such as the Pennsylvania Public
Utility Commission’s study on home energy affordability
for low-income customers. Studying energy burden and
more broadly analyzing energy insecurity factors are
first steps toward setting more targeted energy burden
reduction goals and creating policies and programs that
lead to more vibrant and prosperous communities.
Based on prior evidence of how weatherization reduces average
customer bills, we estimate that it can reduce low-income household
energy burden by 25%.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Energy insecurity—that is, the inability to adequately meet basic household heating,
cooling, and energy needs over time (Hernández 2016)—is increasingly viewed as a
major equity issue by policymakers, energy utilities, and clean energy and environmental
justice advocates. This multidimensional problem reflects the confluence of three factors:
inefficient housing and appliances, lack of access to economic resources, and coping strategies
that may lead some residents to dangerously under-heat or under-cool their homes (Hernández,
Aratani, and Jiang 2014).
Household energy burden—the percentage of annual
household income spent on annual energy bills—is
one key element contributing to a household’s energy
insecurity. Energy burden as a metric helps us visualize
energy affordability (i.e., the ability to afford one’s energy
bills); identify which groups shoulder disproportionally
higher burdens than others; and recognize which
groups most need targeted energy-affordability- and
energy-justice-related policies and investments to
reduce high energy burdens. Three strategies can
reduce both energy insecurity and high energy burdens:
increasing household income, increasing bill payment
assistance through government or utility resources, and
reducing household energy use. This study discusses
policy considerations that focus on the third solution of
reducing excess energy use to lower high household
energy burdens.
This report provides a snapshot of energy burdens
nationally and in 25 of the largest U.S. metro areas. We
examine median household energy burdens among
Introduction
groups—varying by income, housing type and age, and
tenure status—as well as the percentage of households
experiencing high (> 6%) and severe (> 10%) energy
burdens nationally, in metro areas, and across groups
(APPRISE 2005). Building on ACEEE’s 2016 urban
energy burden study and 2018 rural energy burden
study (Drehobl and Ross 2016; Ross, Drehobl, and
Stickles 2018), this report analyzes national-, regional-,
and metro-level data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s
most recent American Housing Survey (AHS) conducted
in 2017.
Local policymakers, utilities, and advocates can use
this report’s data and policy recommendations to
better understand both which groups tend to have
disproportionally higher energy burdens and how they
can measure these burdens in their communities. The
subsequent policy recommendations focus on low-
income energy efficiency and weatherization as high-
impact strategies to alleviate high energy burdens and
improve overall energy affordability.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Systemic Patterns and Causes of InequitiesHousehold access to energy is central to maintaining health and well-being, yet one in
three U.S. households reported difficulty paying their energy bills in 2015 (EIA 2018).
Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) communities often experience the
highest energy burdens when compared to more affluent or white households (Kontokosta,
Reina, and Bonczak 2019; Drehobl and Ross 2016; Hernández et al. 2016).8 These communities
often experience racial segregation, high unemployment, high poverty rates, poor housing
conditions, high rates of certain health conditions, lower educational opportunity, and
barriers to accessing financing and investment (Jargowsky 2015; Cashin 2005). Many of these
characteristics are due in part to systemic racial discrimination, which has led to long-standing
patterns of disenfranchisement from income and wealth-building opportunities for BIPOC
communities as compared to white communities (Rothstein 2017).
Background
8 We use the term BIPOC in this report to describe communities that experience especially acute systemic inequities, barriers, and limited access to energy programs. By specifically naming Black and Indigenous (Native American) communities, the term BIPOC recognizes that Black and Indigenous people have historically experienced targeted policies of systemic economic exclusion, classism, and racism in the United States. It is important to recognize this history and how it has led to disproportionally high energy burdens and unique barriers to accessing clean energy technologies and investments.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Policies and practices that have led to economic and/
or social exclusion in BIPOC communities include
neighborhood segregation and redlining, lack of access
to mortgages and other loans, mass incarceration,
employment discrimination, and the legacy of
segregated and underfunded schools (Jargowsky
2015; McCarty, Perl, and Jones 2019).9 These types of
systemic exclusions, underinvestments, discriminative
lending practices, and limited housing choices have
also limited BIPOC communities’ access to efficient and
healthy housing (Lewis, Hernández, and Geronimus
2019). In addition, Black communities are 68% more
likely to live within 30 miles of a coal-fired power plant,
and properties in close proximity to toxic facilities
average 15% lower property values than those in other
areas (National Research Council 2010). Black children
are three times as likely to be admitted to the hospital
for asthma attacks than white children (Patterson et al.
2014). According to a study by the American Association
of Blacks in Energy, while Black households spent $41
billion on energy in 2009, they held only 1.1% of energy
jobs and gained only 0.01% of the revenue from energy-
sector profits (Patterson et al. 2014).
Limited Access to Energy Programs
A growing body of research shows that BIPOC and low-
income communities experience disparate access to
residential energy-saving appliances and other energy
efficiency upgrades. While low-income and communities
of color on average consume less energy than wealthier
households, they are more likely to live in less-efficient
housing (Bednar, Reames, and Keoleian 2017).
Researchers found that, when holding income constant,
BIPOC households experience higher energy burdens
than non-Hispanic white households (Kontokosta, Reina,
and Bonczak 2019). BIPOC and low-income communities
also may experience higher costs when investing in
energy-efficient upgrades. For example, a study based in
Detroit found that energy-efficient lightbulbs were less
available in high-poverty areas and smaller stores, and
when they were available, they were more expensive
than in other areas (Reames, Reiner, and Stacey 2018).
Others have found that untargeted utility-administered
energy efficiency programs do not effectively reach
BIPOC and low-income communities—particularly those
living in multifamily buildings (Frank and Nowak 2016;
Samarripas and York 2019). Low-income communities
face economic, social, health and safety, and information
barriers that impact their ability to access programs, and
many programs fail to address these barriers through
specific targeting practices. Limited access to energy
efficiency resources and investments coupled with lower
incomes increase the proportion of income that low-
income and BIPOC households spend on energy bills
(Jessel, Sawyer, and Hernández 2019; Berry, Hronis, and
Woodward 2018).
Where utilities do administer programs targeted at
low-income customers, participant needs far exceed
available resources. Reames, Stacy, and Zimmerman
(2019) found that 11 large investor-owned utilities across
six states have distributional disparities in low-income
investments; that is, they do not spend energy efficiency
dollars proportionally on programs designed to reach low-
income populations. A 2018 report found that only 6% of
all U.S. energy efficiency spending in 2015 was dedicated
to low-income programs (EDF APPRISE 2018). Most states
require that utility energy efficiency program portfolios
be cost effective, often using tests that focus mostly on
direct economic costs to the utility (Woolf et al. 2017;
Hayes, Kubes, and Gerbode 2020). This requirement
places an additional burden on utilities, states, and
local governments that invest in programs that serve
low-income communities because it does not account
for nonenergy and additional health, economic, and
community benefits in program planning and evaluations.
Definition and Drivers of High
Energy Burdens
High energy burdens are often defined as greater than
6% of income, while severe energy burdens are those
greater than 10% of income (APPRISE 2005).10 Past
research found that low-income, Black, and Hispanic
communities, as well as older adults, renters, and those
residing in low-income multifamily buildings experienced
disproportionally higher energy burdens than other
households (Drehobl and Ross 2016; Ross, Drehobl, and
Stickles 2018).
Systemic exclusions, under-
investments, discriminative
lending practices, and limited
housing choices have limited
Black, Indigenous, and People
of Color communities’ access to
efficient and healthy housing.
9 Redlining is the discriminatory practice of fencing off areas in which banks would avoid investments based on community demographics. Redlining was included in local, state, and federal housing policies for much of the 20th century. For more information on historical forms of economic and social exclusion, see The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America by Richard Rothstein.
10 Researchers estimate that housing costs should be no more than 30% of household income, and household energy costs should be no more than 20% of housing costs. This means that affordable household energy costs should be no more than 6% of total household income.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Drivers of high household energy burdens are often the
result of the systemic factors, barriers, and challenges
that these households face. Previous research identified
drivers that can raise energy burdens, including
the dwelling’s physical structure, the resident’s
socioeconomic status and behavioral patterns, and the
availability of policy-related resources (Drehobl and Ross
2016; Ross, Drehobl, and Stickles 2018). Table 1 shows
an updated list of key drivers of high energy burdens.
ENERGY INEFFICIENCY AS A DRIVER
OF HIGH ENERGY BURDENS
While low incomes are a substantial factor driving
higher energy burdens, inefficient housing is also a
TABLE 1. Key drivers of high household energy burdens
Drivers Examples of factors that affect energy burden
Physical
Housing age (i.e., older homes are often less energy efficient)
Housing type (e.g., manufactured homes, single family, and multifamily)
Heating and cooling system (e.g., system type, fuel type, and fuel cost)
Building envelope (e.g., poor insulation, leaky roofs, inefficient and/or poorly maintained
poorly maintained heating and cooling systems (HVAC), and/or inadequate air sealing)
Appliances and lighting efficiency (e.g., large-scale appliances such as refrigerators, washing
machines, and dishwashers)
Topography and location (e.g., climate, urban heat islands)
Climate change and weather extremes that raise the need for heating and cooling
Socioeconomic
Chronic economic hardship due to persistent low income
Sudden economic hardship (e.g., severe illness, unemployment, or disaster event)
Inability to afford (or difficulty affording) up-front costs of energy efficiency investments
Difficulty qualifying for credit or financing options to make efficiency investments due to
financial and other systemic barriers
Systemic inequalities relating to race and/or ethnicity, income, disability, and other factors
Behavioral
Information barriers relating to available bill assistance and energy efficiency programs and
relating to knowledge of energy conservation measures
Lack of trust and/or uncertainty about investments and/or savings
Lack of cultural competence in outreach and education programs
Increased energy use due to occupant age, number of people in the household, health-
related needs, or disability
Policy-related
Insufficient or inaccessible policies and programs for bill assistance, energy efficiency, and
weatherization for low-income households
Utility rate design practices, such as high customer fixed charges, that limit customers’ ability
to respond to high bills through energy efficiency or conservation
Source: Updated from Ross, Drehobl, and Stickles 2018
contributor. According to the 2017 AHS data, 9% of
total U.S. households completed an energy-efficient
improvement in the past two years, but only 17% were
low-income households (Census Bureau 2019). Low-
income households (≤ 200% of the federal poverty level
[FPL]) make up about 30% of the population, which
means that they are underrepresented in households
completing energy efficiency upgrades and thus are not
proportionally accessing and benefiting from
these investments.
Additional research examining energy benchmarking
data in a few major cities has found that households
from both the lowest- and highest-income brackets had
the highest energy use intensity (EUI)—that is, they had
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the highest energy consumption per square foot. While
consumption behaviors are regarded as the driver for high
EUI among higher-income households, the researchers
point to inefficient heating and lighting infrastructure to
help explain the high EUI among low-income households
(Kontokosta, Reina, and Bonczak 2019). High-income
households use large amounts of energy to power larger
homes—as well as more electronics and devices that use
large amounts of energy—while low-income households
tend to use fewer, less-efficient devices that require
relatively large amounts of energy due to the inefficiency
of the dwelling or the appliance itself. Therefore,
household inefficiencies rather than inefficient behaviors
tend to lead to higher energy use and expenditures for
low-income households. Generally, energy efficiency
investments can allow households to engage in the same
activity while using less energy, thus reducing high energy
burdens and improving comfort, health, and safety.
Adverse Effects of High
Energy Burdens
Our comprehensive evaluation of energy burden research
reveals both that low-income households spend, on
average, a higher portion of their income on energy
bills than other groups, and that energy burdens are
also higher for communities of color, rural communities,
families with children, and older adults (Brown et al.
2020; Lewis, Hernández, and Geronimus 2019; Reames
2016; Hernández et al. 2016; Drehobl and Ross 2016;
Ross, Drehobl, and Stickles 2018). Energy burden is
one indicator to measure energy insecurity, and high
energy burdens are associated with inadequate housing
conditions and have been found to affect physical and
mental health, nutrition, and local economic development.
EXCESSIVE ENERGY COST CAN IMPACT
RESIDENTS’ HEALTH AND COMFORT.
Researchers have found that many households with
high energy burdens also live in older, inefficient, and
unhealthy housing. Inefficient housing is associated
with other health impacts, such as carbon monoxide
poisoning, lead exposure, thermal discomfort, and
respiratory problems such as asthma and chronic
obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD); it is also
associated with the potential for hypothermia and/
or heat stress resulting from leaky and/or unrepaired
heating and cooling equipment (Brown et al. 2020;
Norton, Brown, and Malomo-Paris 2017).
Households experiencing energy insecurity may forego
needed energy use to reduce energy bills, forcing them
to live in uncomfortable and unsafe homes. Hernández,
Phillips, and Siegel (2016) found that half of the study’s
participants who experienced high monthly utility bills
engaged in coping strategies such as using secondary
heating equipment (i.e., stoves, ovens, or space
heaters) to compensate for inefficient or inadequate
heating systems. Employing this coping measure can
compromise resident safety and comfort, and it may
increase exposure to toxic gases. Teller-Elsberg et
al. (2015) found that excess winter deaths potentially
caused by fuel poverty kill more Vermonters each year
than car crashes. In addition, according to the Residential
Energy Consumption Survey, one in five U.S. households
reported reducing or forgoing necessities such as food
or medicine to pay an energy bill (EIA 2018). These
tradeoffs can impact long-term health and well-being.
Climate change, rising temperatures, and subsequent
cooling demands will continue to exacerbate household
energy burdens—and prove deadly for some. In Maricopa
County, Arizona—one of the hottest regions in the
southwest—more than 90% of residents have access to
a cooling system, yet up to 40% of heat-related deaths
occur indoors (Maricopa County Department of Public
Health 2020). A recent survey of homebound individuals
found that one-third faced limitations on home cooling
system use, with the overwhelming majority (81%) citing
the “cost of bills” as a contributing factor (Maricopa
County Department of Public Health 2016). As residents
are increasingly forced to weigh the cost of properly
cooling their homes, high energy burdens will likely
become an even greater public health priority in the
years to come.
HIGH ENERGY BURDENS IMPACT MENTAL
HEALTH OF RESIDENTS.
High energy burdens can have mental health impacts—
such as chronic stress, anxiety, and depression—
associated with fear and uncertainty around access to
energy, the complexities of navigating energy assistance
programs, and the inability to control energy costs
(Hernández, Phillip, and Siegel 2016). In addition,
Hernández (2016) found that low-income residents who
were experiencing energy insecurity worried about
losing their parental rights as they struggled to maintain
essential energy services, such as lighting, in their homes.
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HIGH ENERGY BURDENS CAN LIMIT
INDIVIDUALS’ ABILITY TO BENEFIT FROM
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THEIR
COMMUNITIES.
Households with high energy burdens are more likely
to stay caught in cycles of poverty. After controlling
for common predictors of poverty status such as
income loss, illness, health, marital status, education,
health insurance, and head of households—Bohr and
McCreery (2019) found that, on average, energy-
burdened households have a 175–200% chance
of remaining in poverty for a longer period of time
compared to nonenergy-burdened households.11 BIPOC
communities, older adults, and low-income households
often experience this pernicious cycle, which includes
persistent income inequality along with limited funding
to invest in education or job training, and high energy
burdens can perpetuate this cycle (Bohr and McCreery
2019; Lewis, Hernández, and Geronimus 2019).
Impact of COVID-19
on Energy Insecurity
As the world enters a global recession in the wake of
the coronavirus pandemic, more households—especially
in BIPOC communities—may have difficulty paying their
energy bills due to massive job losses; reduced income;
a warming climate; and higher energy bills resulting from
more time at home due to stay-at-home orders and to
students and adults learning and working from home,
respectively. For example, in March and April 2020, the
California Public Utility Commission stated that residential
electricity usage increased by 15–20% compared to the
previous year (CPUC 2020). Because such factors lead to
higher home energy bills, energy burdens will increase for
households across the United States.
COVID-19 disproportionally impacts BIPOC communities
due to many of the policies that have led to systemic
economic and social exclusion. These policies have led
to BIPOC communities experiencing higher rates of
underlying health conditions, a lack of health insurance
or access to testing, and a higher likelihood of working
in the service industry or in other essential worker roles
that do not allow for teleworking (SAMHSA 2020; CDC
2020). COVID-19 has also impacted the ability of energy
efficiency and weatherization programs to operate, and
limited the mix of measures that can be installed; many
energy efficiency and weatherization programs have
slowed down or are on hold (Ferris 2020). Policies and
programs that address energy insecurity are even more
important now in the face of rising energy bills
and burdens.
Given these factors, energy burdens in 2020 are likely
to be much higher than the burdens we calculate in this
report, which uses 2017 data. The economic situation has
clearly shifted drastically since 2017. While we expect
post-2020 burden trends to be similar, yet more acute,
we cannot visualize the full extent of current and future
energy burdens until the release of post-2020 data in the
2023 AHS, which will include data from 2021.
11 This study does not examine the relationship between energy burden and rent burden (i.e., the percentage of income spent on housing costs). Studies have found that rent burdens are also increasing, especially for communities of color, older adults, and families (Currier et al. 2018).
Households with high energy
burdens are more likely to stay
caught in cycles of poverty.
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T his analysis builds on the methods used in ACEEE’s previous two energy burden
studies, Lifting the High Energy Burden in American’s Largest Cities (Drehobl and
Ross 2016) and The High Cost of Energy in Rural America (Ross, Drehobl, and Stickles
2018). This new study analyzes 2017 data from AHS, which is issued by the U.S. Department of
Housing and Urban Development (HUD). The AHS is a biennial household-level survey by the
Census Bureau that collects wide-range housing and demographic data from a nationally and
regionally representative cross section of households across the United States and in a subset
of metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs). The AHS includes household-level income data and
energy cost data that we use as the basis of our energy burden calculations. The AHS models
its energy cost data based on household characteristics ascertained through its survey and also
uses data collected through the Residential Energy Consumption Survey (RECS) for a different
national set of households.12
Methods
12 Beginning with the 2015 edition, the AHS stopped including questions on energy costs. Previously, the majority of these data was self-reported. As part of the 2015 AHS redesign, researchers began estimating energy costs through regression-model–based imputation. They created the utility estimation system (UES) to estimate annual energy costs using regression models developed from the RECS, which collects administrative data from suppliers on actual billing amounts. This estimate was divided by 12 to calculate average monthly energy costs. The RECS also collects some housing characteristics similar to those the AHS collects, which allows the construction of models that can then be applied to the AHS. For more on the energy cost estimation model development and decisions for the 2015 AHS, see www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/American-Housing-Survey.pdf.
13 HUD determines affordable housing costs to be 30% of total household income. Researchers have determined that, typically, 20% of total housing expenses are energy costs. This equates to 6% of total income spent on energy bills as an affordable level (Fisher Sheehan & Colton 2020). We consider energy burdens above 6% to be high burdens, with burdens above 10% to be severe. This method is in line with other research (APPRISE 2005).
As we noted earlier, we define households with high
energy burdens as those spending more than 6%
of their income on electricity and heating fuel costs,
and households with severe energy burdens as those
spending more than 10% of their income on energy
costs.13 These two categories are not mutually
exclusive; severe burden is a worse-off subset of high
burden households.
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The following are our study’s inclusion and
exclusion criteria:
n Electricity and heating fuels. The study does not
include water, transportation, telecommunications,
or Internet costs. Although such costs can create
additional monetary burdens for households, we
include only electricity and heating fuel costs in our
energy burden calculations.
n Households must report household income and the
amount they pay for their electricity and their main
heating fuel.14 If households did not include all three
factors, we did not include them in our analysis.
We examine energy burdens for a variety of household
subsets at the national, regional, and metropolitan levels,
including the following:
n Income level. All households that fall into low-income
(≤ 200% FPL) and non-low-income (> 200% FPL)
categories.15
n Low-income households with vulnerable persons at
home. Low-income households with a household
member over the age of 65, under the age of 6, or
who has a disability.
n Housing type and age. Single-family, small
multifamily (two to four units), large multifamily
(five or more units), low-income multifamily (five or
more units and ≤ 200% FPL), manufactured housing,
buildings built before 1980, and buildings built after
1980.16
n Tenure: Renters and owners.
n Race and ethnicity. Black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic
white households. We also include Native American
households in the national analysis.
n Age. Households with one or more adults over the
age of 65.
Limitations
We included 48 MSAs in our last urban energy burden
report, which used both 2011 and 2013 AHS data. This
report uses only 2017 data, which limits our sample to 25
MSAs (AHS 2019). AHS includes modeled energy costs,
which are determined by matching characteristics of
households in the AHS to characteristics of households in
the RECS. We also exclude households that do not report
income, do not have a heating source, or do not pay
for their heating costs. Thus, our report findings do not
include data on renters who pay for their heating and/
or electricity in their rent, or households with no annual
income reported.
Our study does not explore causality, so we cannot
determine why energy burdens differ across metro areas
and demographic and other groups. Additional research
is needed to determine the causes of disproportionate
energy burdens, which can include building efficiency,
income and poverty rates, and other timely economic
factors. We are unable to compare trends across our
energy burden reports, as this study does not explore why
and how energy burdens may have changed over time.
Finally, our study includes only the 25 metro areas
sampled by the AHS, which are not necessarily the best
or worst performing metro areas regarding energy
burdens. Ranking metro areas is thus limited since this is
only a partial sample of cities. ACEEE plans to update this
research with additional metro areas as more AHS data
are available in the fall of 2020.
14 AHS calculates household income as total money before taxes and other payments, including Social Security income, cash public assistance, or welfare payments from the state or local welfare office, retirement, survivor or disability benefits, and other sources of income such as veterans’ payments, unemployment and/or worker’s compensation, child support, and alimony. For more information, see: www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/ahs/2017/2017%20AHS%20Definitions.pdf.
15 In ACEEE’s 2016 urban energy burden report, we defined low-income as 80% of the area median income (AMI), while this report defines low-income as 200% FPL. We made this change due to data availability. The 200% FPL definition also lines up with the Weatherization Assistance Program and is the most common qualification criterion for utility-led low-income programs. Because of this, low-income data in the 2016 and 2020 reports do not use the same definitions and are therefore not directly comparable.
16 We chose 1980 as our cutoff point as states and cities began adopting the first building energy codes in the late 1970s and early 1980s. At this time, builders around the country began to consider energy and minimal energy efficiency measures due to increasing awareness of efficiency measures and concerns about energy as a result of the energy-related economic shocks of the 1970s.
1. Atlanta 6. Dallas 11. Miami 16. Phoenix 21. San Francisco
2. Baltimore 7. Detroit 12. Minneapolis 17. Richmond 22. San Jose
3. Birmingham 8. Houston 13. New York City 18. Riverside 23. Seattle
4. Boston 9. Las Vegas 14. Oklahoma City 19. Rochester 24. Tampa
5. Chicago 10. Los Angeles 15. Philadelphia 20. San Antonio 25. Washington, DC
The following are the 25 MSAs with representative samples in the 2017 AHS dataset:
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The results of this energy burden analysis reflect previous ACEEE studies in finding
that nationally, regionally, and across all 25 metro areas, particular groups experience
disproportionately high energy burdens. See Appendices A and B for tables including
national, regional, and metro energy burden data.
Energy Burden Findings
National Energy Burdens
Across the nationally representative sample, we find
that low-income, Black, Hispanic, renter, and older adult
households have disproportionately higher energy
burdens than the average household. Figure 1 shows the
median energy burden for different groups nationally,
across categories of income, race and ethnicity, age,
tenure status, and housing type. We find that the median
national energy burden is 3.1%, and that the median low-
income (≤ 200% FPL) household energy burden is 3.5
times higher than the non-low-income household energy
burden (8.1% versus 2.3%).
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MEDIAN
ENERGY
BURDEN:3.%
10%
9%
8%
7%
6%
5%
4%
3%
2%
1% Low-income with older adults (65+) Low-income ( 200% FPL)Low-income with disability Low-income with children (under 6) Non-low-income (> 200% FPL)Native AmericanBlack HispanicWhite (non-Hispanic) Low-income multifamily (5+ units and 200% FPL)Older adults (65+)Renters Owners Manufactured homes Built before 1980 Small multifamily (2—4 units)Built after 1980Multifamily (5+ units) Single family9.3%
4.2%4.2%
3.4% 3.4%3.%2.8%2.4%
5.6%
5.3%
3.4%3.0%3.5%2.8%
4.%
8.7%
8.%
7.%
2.3%
n Income n Race and ethnicity n Age n Tenure n Housing type
FIGURE 1. National energy burdens across subgroups (i.e., income, race and ethnicity, age, tenure,
and housing type) compared to the national median energy burden
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The median
energy burden
of Black
households is than that of
white
(non-Hispanic)
households.43%higher
The median
energy burden
of low-income
multifamily
households is
2.3 times higher than that of
other multifamily
households.
The median
energy burden
of Hispanic
households is
than that of white
(non-Hispanic)
households.20%higher
Many groups experience disproportionately high energy
burdens, with low-income households having the
highest energy burdens. These households have limited
discretionary income and often have older, less-efficient
housing stock and appliances that lead to higher energy
bills. Even for cases in which monthly energy costs
are similar between low-income and non-low-income
households, the former devote a greater proportion of
their income to these costs. Given this, reducing excess
energy use in low-income households is critical for
addressing energy insecurity.
We also recognize that many highly burdened groups are
intersectional—that is, they face compounding, intersecting
causes of inequality and injustice. For example, nearly half
of the older adult population in general is economically
vulnerable, as are the majority of older Black and Hispanic
households (Cooper and Gould 2013). Policies and
programs that focus on addressing low-income household
energy burdens will likely intersect with other highly
burdened groups. Further research can help identify how
high energy burdens are impacted by differences in race,
ethnicity, income, education, housing type, occupant age,
and other factors.
NATIONAL DATA: HIGH AND SEVERE
ENERGY BURDENS
Median energy burdens allow us to compare burdens
between groups, yet they do not illustrate how many
people experience the impacts of energy insecurity, or
the degrees to which they experience it. We therefore
also calculate the percentage of households that
experience high and severe energy burdens for different
demographic groups. Figure 2 shows the percentage
of households across subgroups that experience a
high energy burden (above 6%), along with the total
number of households experiencing a high energy
burden. Figure 2 also indicates the percentage of those
households that experience a severe energy burden
(above 10%).
Nationally, more than 25% (30.6 million) of all
households experience a high energy burden, and about
50% (15.9 million) of all households that experience
a high energy burden have a severe energy burden.
These burdens are even more acute for low-income
households, of which 67% (25.8 million) experience a
high energy burden and 60% (15.4 million) of those
experience a severe energy burden. Appendix B
includes high and severe energy burden percentages
and total households that experience a high and severe
The median
energy burden
of low-income
households is
3 timeshigher than that
of non-low
income
households.
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FIGURE 2. The percentage and number of households nationally with a high energy burden (> 6%) across different subgroups in 2017
Note: High and severe energy burdens are not mutually exclusive, meaning that the number of households experiencing a severe burden are also counted in the percentage that experience high burdens. All severe energy burdens (> 10%) also fall into the high burden category (> 6%). The red and orange bars in figure 2 sum to the total high energy burdened households, and the number of households is the total that experience a high energy burden.
Low-income (<200% FPL)
Low-income multifamily (5+units)
Manufactured housing
Native American
Black
Older adults
Renters
Builidng with 2-4 units
Built before 1980
Hispanic
All households
Single family
White (non-Hispanic)
Multifamily (5+units)
Owners
Built after 1980
Non-low-income (>200% FPL)
The percentage and number of households with a high energy burden (> 6%) nationally in 2019
The percentage and number of all households with a high energy burden (> 6%) in 2017
Severe Burden (>10%)
25.8 million households
4.4 million
3 million
540,000
6 million
12.5 million
13.2 million
4 million
15.9 million
4.6 million
30.6 million
20.8 million
18.5 million
4.6 million
17.2 million
14.2 million
5.2 million
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burden nationally, regionally, and in each MSA across
all households and across low-income, Black, Hispanic,
older adult, and renting households.
As figure 2 illustrates, U.S. residents experience high and
severe energy burdens at different rates depending on
factors such as income, occupant age, race, and tenure.
Almost 50% of low-income multifamily residents; 36% of
Black, Native American, and older adult households; 30%
of renters; and 28% of Hispanic households experience a
high energy burden.
Many households also have severe energy burdens,
spending more than 10% of their income on energy. For
example, 21% of Black households experience severe
energy burdens as compared to 1% of non-low-income
and 9% of non-Hispanic white households. For context,
households with severe energy burdens spend at least
three times more of their income on home energy bills
than the median household.
Regional Energy Burdens
National patterns play out across all regions, where
low-income, Black, and Hispanic households; renters;
manufactured housing residents; and older adults all
have disproportionately higher energy burdens than
each region’s average household. Table 2 shows the
states in each census region in the study.
Across all nine regions, low-income household energy
burdens are 2.1–3 times higher than the median energy
burden. The gap between low-income and median
energy burdens is largest in the New England, Pacific,
The median
energy burden
of Native
American
households is than that of white
(non-Hispanic)
households.45%higher
The median
energy burden
of older adults
(65+) is than the median
household
energy burden. 36%higher
TABLE 2. States within each census region
Region States
New England Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Vermont
Middle Atlantic New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania
East North Central Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin
West North Central Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, South Dakota
South Atlantic Delaware, DC, Florida, Georgia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Virginia,
West Virginia
East South Central Alabama, Kentucky, Mississippi, Tennessee
West South Central Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas
Mountain Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah, Wyoming
Pacific Alaska, California, Hawaii, Oregon, Washington
and Mid-Atlantic regions (3.0, 2.9, and 2.8 times higher,
respectively). Figure 3 illustrates low-income energy
burdens and the median energy burden across the nine
census regions.
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FIGURE 3. Median low-income (< 200% FPL) energy burdens by region (red) compared to median energy burdens by region (purple)
REGIONAL DATA: HIGH AND SEVERE
ENERGY BURDENS
Figure 4 shows the percentage and total number of
households that experience high and severe energy
burdens in each region.
The percentage and total number of households that
experience a high energy burden vary across regions. The
East South Central region has the greatest percentage
of households with high energy burdens (38%), followed
(3.2%)(4.4%)(3.3%)
(2.9%)
(2.3%)
(3.6%)(3.4%)
(3.5%)
(3.%)
8.4%9.%7.7%
6.9%
6.8%
9.%9.4%
0.5%
7.9%
n Median energy burden by region
*Energy burden: percent of income spent on energy bills Low-income defined as less than 200% of federal poverty level
n Median low-income energy burden by region
East
South
Central
East North Central
Mid Atlantic
New England
South Atlantic
West South Central
West North CentralPacificMountain
by East North Central, New England, and Middle Atlantic
regions, all with 29%. The South Atlantic region had the
greatest number of households (6.27 million) with high
burdens, followed by the East North Central (5.40 million)
and Middle Atlantic (4.57 million) regions. See Appendix
B for the total number of highly burdened households
across different groups in each region.
Metro Area Energy Burdens
Across the select MSAs—which represent 38% of
all households nationally—low-income households,
low-income multifamily households, and older adult
households are the most energy burdened groups.
Groups with the lowest energy burdens are non-low-
income, those living in buildings built after 1980, and
those living in market-rate multifamily housing. Table 3
includes the median energy burdens for the most highly
burdened groups in each metro area; Appendices A and
B offer more details.17
17 Appendix A includes national, regional, and metro area sample sizes, median energy burdens, median incomes, median monthly bills, upper-quartile energy burdens, percentage with a high burden, and percentage with a severe burden. Appendix A also includes median and upper-quartile energy burdens for subgroups nationally, regionally, and in metro areas, including low-income, low-income with older adults, low-income with a child under 6, low-income with disability, low-income multifamily, non-low-income, Black, Hispanic, non-Hispanic white, older adult, renters, owners, multifamily, built before 1980, and built after 1980. Appendix B includes the number of households nationally, regionally, and in metro areas that experience a high or severe energy burden.
The median
energy burden
of renters is than that of
owners.13%higher
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FIGURE 4. The percentage and number of all households with a high energy burden (> 6%) in each region in 2017
East South Central
East North Central
New England
Middle Atlantic
South Atlantic
West South Central
West North Central
Mountain
Pacific
2.81 million households
5.40 million
1.66 million
4.57 million
6.27 million
3.58 million
2.09 million
1.87 million
3.32 million
Severe Burden (> 10%)
The percentage and number of all households with a high energy burden (> 6%) in 2017
The median
energy burden
of manufactured
housing
residents is than that of
single family
households.39%higher
The median
energy burden
of residents in
pre-1980s
buildings is
than that of
residents in
post-1980
buildings21%higher
Across the 25 MSAs, low-income households experience
energy burdens at least two times higher than the
average household in all cities. In all metro areas, Black
and Hispanic households experience higher energy
burdens than non-Hispanic white households. Renters
and people living in buildings built before 1980
experience higher energy burdens than owners in almost
all metro areas in the study.
Median energy burdens do not tell the whole energy
affordability story, as half of households in each group
experience a higher energy burden than the median.
Figure 5 includes the energy burdens at the median
and upper quartile, showing that 50% of households in
each city experience a burden above the median and
25% experience a burden above the upper quartile. For
example, in Baltimore, 25% of low-income households
experience an energy burden above 21.7%, which
is seven times the national median burden. In five
cities—Baltimore, Philadelphia, Detroit, Boston, and
Birmingham—a quarter of low-income households have
energy burdens above 18%, which is three times the 6%
high energy burden threshold.
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TABLE 3. Median energy burdens in metro areas for all households and highly impacted groups,
including low-income, Black, Hispanic, older adult (65+), renters, low-income multifamily residents,
and those residing in buildings built before 1980
Metro area
All
households
Low-
income
(≤ 200%
FPL) Black Hispanic
Older
adults
(65+) Renters
Low-income
multifamily*
Built
before
1980
National data 3.1% 8.1% 4.2% 3.5% 4.2% 3.4% 3.1%3.4%
Atlanta 3.5% 9.7% 4.1% 4.7% 5.1% 3.7% 6.6%4.5%
Baltimore 3.0% 10.5% 3.8% 3.3% 4.1% 3.2% 2.5%3.6%
Birmingham 4.2% 10.9% 5.6% 4.8% 5.8% 5.2% 6.8%5.1%
Boston 3.1% 10.1% 3.7% 3.6% 4.4% 3.2% 6.6%3.2%
Chicago 2.7% 8.0% 4.1% 3.0% 3.7% 3.1% 6.4%2.9%
Dallas 2.9% 6.7% 3.3% 3.8% 3.8% 2.9% 5.0%3.5%
Detroit 3.8% 10.2% 5.3% 4.5% 5.2% 4.6% 6.0%4.3%
Houston 3.0% 7.1% 3.5% 3.4% 4.1% 3.3% 5.8%3.4%
Las Vegas 2.8% 6.5% 3.2% 3.0% 3.4% 3.0% 5.3%3.6%
Los Angeles 2.2% 6.0% 3.6% 2.6% 3.2% 2.4% 4.8%2.3%
Miami 3.0% 6.9% 3.4% 3.1% 4.2% 3.1% 5.5%3.3%
Minneapolis 2.2% 6.6% 2.6% 2.7% 3.0% 2.3% 4.3%2.5%
New York City 2.9% 9.3% 3.6% 3.8% 4.2% 3.3% 8.0%3.0%
Oklahoma City 3.3% 7.8% 3.9% 4.2% 4.0% 3.9% 6.5%3.8%
Philadelphia 3.2% 9.5% 4.4% 5.2% 4.4% 3.9% 6.5%3.6%
Phoenix 3.0% 7.0% 3.2% 3.6% 4.0% 2.8% 4.6%3.6%
Richmond 2.6% 8.2% 3.4% 2.9% 3.5% 2.9% 5.0%3.1%
Riverside 3.6% 8.7% 3.9% 3.7% 5.1% 4.0% 6.1%4.3%
Rochester 3.8% 9.5% 5.1% 5.4% 4.8% 4.3% 6.0%4.0%
San Antonio 3.0% 7.4% 3.1% 3.4% 4.1% 3.1% 4.8%3.9%
San Francisco 1.4% 6.1% 2.4% 1.2% 2.4% 1.4% 4.9%1.4%
San Jose 1.5% 6.5% 1.8% 1.9% 2.4% 1.5% 4.7%1.6%
Seattle 1.8% 6.0% 2.3% 2.0% 2.4% 1.8% 4.1%2.0%
Tampa 2.8% 7.2% 3.6% 3.5% 3.8% 2.8% 4.9%3.3%
Washington,
DC 2.0% 7.5%
2.9% 2.7% 2.9% 2.0% 5.2%2.3%
* Low-income multifamily households are below 200% FPL and in a building with five or more units.
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METRO DATA: HIGH AND SEVERE
ENERGY BURDENS
The percentage of households experiencing a high
energy burden varied across the select metro areas, with
up to one-third of residents in some cities facing a high
energy burden. Figure 6 shows the percentage and total
FIGURE 5. Energy burden experienced by 50% and 25% of low-income households in 25 metro areas
Baltimore
San Antonio
Philadelphia
Detroit
Boston
Birmingham
New York City
Atlanta
Rochester
Richmond
Chicago
San Francisco
Las Vegas
Washington, DC
Oklahoma City
San Jose
Minneapolis
Houston
Tampa
Phoenix
Dallas
Miami
Seattle
Los Angeles
Riverside
10.5%
7.4%
9.5%
10.2%
10.1%
10.9%
9.3%
9.7%
9.5%
8.2%
8.0%
6.1%
6.5%
7.5%
7.8%
6.5%
6.6%
7.1%
7.2%
7.0%
6.7%
6.9%
6.0%
6.0%
3.6%
21.7%
21.7%
19.1%
18.8%
18.6%
18.3%
16.8%
16.2%
15.9%
15.6%
15.1%
14.3%
13.8%
13.5%
12.5%
12.5%
12.2%
12.2%
12.1%
11.9%
11.4%
11.2%
10.9%
10.4%
6.7%
Metro area
50% of low-income households have an energy burden greater than
25% of low-income households have an energy burden greater than
number of households in each metro area that experience
high and severe energy burdens. Six metro areas have
a greater percentage of households with a high energy
burden than the national average (25%), including
Birmingham (34%), Detroit (30%), Riverside (29%),
Rochester (29%), Atlanta (28%), and Philadelphia (26%).
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
Appendix B includes data on high and severe energy
burdens in each metro area in our sample. In nine metro
areas, 12% or more of households experienced a severe
energy burden, spending more than 10% of their income
on energy bills; among these are 1.1 million households
in New York City, 333,000 in Philadelphia, and 288,000 in
Atlanta.
As these findings illustrate, high and severe energy
burdens are both a national and a local challenge. Even
though some metro areas have lower percentages of
households with high energy burdens than the national
average, each city has tens to hundreds of thousands
of households with high energy burdens. In addition,
both the national energy burden trends and the metro-
level trends show similar patterns of energy burden
vulnerability for specific groups and are therefore
likely reflected in other metro areas nationally as well.
This indicates that both the metro areas studied and
FIGURE 6. The percentage and number of all households with a high energy burden (> 6%) in each of the 2017 AHS MSAs
Birmingham
Detroit
Riverside
Rochester
Atlanta
Philadelphia
New York City
Oklahoma City
Boston
Miami
Baltimore
San Antonio
Houston
Tampa
Phoenix
Chicago
Dallas
Las Vegas
Los Angeles
Richmond
Washington, DC
Minneapolis
Seattle
San Jose
San Francisco
The percentage and number of all households with a high energy burden (> 6%) in 2017
Severe Burden (>10%)
other cities have energy burden disparities in their
communities. They also have opportunities to create
policy and programs to lower these energy burdens for
their residents.
By focusing on the needs of those who are
disproportionally burdened—particularly at the
intersection of criteria such as of low-income,
communities of color, older adults, and renters—
policymakers can set policies and create programs that
have the greatest impact on energy insecurity. As they
do so, they should recognize that many households—
especially those with high energy use due to building
inefficiencies—experience much higher than average
energy burdens. These households are therefore likely
to need targeted and long-lasting interventions, such as
energy efficiency and weatherization, to achieve long-
term affordability.
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Energy efficiency and weatherization provide a long-term solution to reducing high
energy burdens, while also complementing bill payment assistance and programs aimed
at energy-saving education and behavior change. Weatherization refers to programs
that address the efficiency of the building envelope and building systems (such as unit heating,
cooling, lighting, windows, and water heating) through energy audits; these audits identify
cost-effective energy efficiency upgrades provided through energy efficiency programs. Other
low-income energy efficiency programs may include additional measures such as appliance
replacements, efficient lighting, and health and safety measures. While these recommendations
focus on weatherization and energy efficiency as a long-term solution to reducing high energy
burdens, these investments can be combined with renewable energy technologies and/or
electrification strategies to further reduce energy bills.
Low-Income Weatherization Can
Reduce High Energy Burdens
Energy efficiency programs and investments that provide
comprehensive building upgrades—such as insulation,
air sealing, heating and cooling systems, appliances,
lighting, and other baseload measures—can strongly
impact long-term energy affordability, as low-income
households tend to live in older buildings and have
older, less-efficient appliances than higher income
households (Cluett, Amann, and Ou 2016). Research
suggests that weatherization measures can reduce
energy use by 25–35% (DOE 2014, 2017; DOE 2011).
Assuming a 25% reduction in energy use and using the
2017 AHS data, we estimate that energy efficiency and
weatherization can reduce the energy burden of the
average low-income household by 25%.18
Low-income energy efficiency and weatherization programs
are especially important in the wake of the economic
recession and pandemic. These programs can both reduce
high energy burdens and help stimulate the economy
through local job creation and workforce development.
Policies that accelerate investment in, improve the design
of, and better target low-income energy efficiency,
weatherization, and housing retrofit programs can have a
high impact on long-term energy affordability.
18 We assume a 25% savings from energy efficiency upgrades based on the U.S. Department of Energy’s estimate (DOE 2014) and use the median low-income household values to calculate a 25% reduction. We reduced the median low-income energy bill by 25% from $1,464 to $1,098. Using the median low-income household income of $18,000, this equates to a reduced energy burden of 6.1%. Reducing the median low-income energy burden from 8.1% to 6.1% is a 25% reduction. Following this same methodology, our 2016 metro energy burden report estimates a 30% reduction based on the 2011 and 2013 AHS data.
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Many local and state governments, utilities, and community-based organizations
have already begun to identify energy efficiency as a key strategy for lowering
high energy burdens. To date, we have identified nine cities (Atlanta, Cincinnati,
Houston, Minneapolis, New Orleans, Oakland, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Saint Paul) and six states
(Colorado, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Washington) that have set energy-
burden-focused policies, goals, or programs with energy efficiency as a key component (see
Appendix C). For example, the State of Oregon’s Ten-Year Plan to Reduce the Energy Burden
in Oregon Affordable Housing states that its goal is to “reduce the energy burden on the low-
income population in Oregon, while prioritizing energy efficiency to achieve that reduction”
(OR DOE, OR PUC, and OHCS 2019). At the city level, Philadelphia’s Clean Energy Vision Plan
set a goal to eliminate the energy burden for 33% of Philadelphians. To accomplish this, the city
has designed and funded multiple pilot programs to reduce high energy use in multifamily and
single-family buildings. See Appendix C for more information on energy-burden-focused city-
and state-led actions.
Strategies to Accelerate,
Improve, and Better Target
Low-Income Housing Retrofits,
Energy Efficiency, and
Weatherization
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Figure 7 illustrates the key strategies to design programs
to meet the needs of highly burdened communities,
increase funding, and improve program design to have
the greatest impact.
Design to Meet the Needs of Highly
Burdened Communities
Focusing low-income energy efficiency and weatherization
investment on residents with the highest burdens
can greatly alleviate energy insecurity. Local and state
governments and utilities can conduct more granular
and detailed energy insecurity studies or analyses to
help identify which local communities have the highest
burdens. They can also use other energy equity and
justice-related metrics and indicators to target resources
to and investment in these communities. One tool for
doing this analysis is the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE)
Low Income Energy Affordability Data (LEAD) tool (see
text box 1). Policymakers and program implementers can
use a community-based approach to develop programs
to invest in communities with high burdens. Cities and
states can also set energy affordability goals and policies,
and then track outcomes to ensure that the communities
most impacted by energy insecurity receive the benefits of
energy efficiency investments.
FIGURE 7. Key strategies to lower high energy burdens by better targeting low-income energy
efficiency programs, ramping up investment, and improving program design and best practices
TEXT BOX 1. ENERGY BURDEN ASSESSMENTS:
LOW INCOME ENERGY AFFORDABILITY DATA
(LEAD) TOOL
The Department of Energy’s Low Income Energy
Affordability Data Tool (LEAD), developed with the
National Renewable Energy Laboratory, aims to help
states, communities, and other stakeholders create
better energy strategies and programs by improving
their understanding of low-income housing and
community energy characteristics. LEAD is a web-
accessible interactive platform that allows users to
build their own state, county, and census tract and city
profiles with specific household energy characteristics
associated with various income levels and housing type,
vintage, and tenure. The tool provides three principal
metrics—energy burden, annual average housing
energy costs, and housing counts—along with map and
chart-based visualizations (Ma et al. 2019). States and
local governments have begun using the LEAD tool in
planning. For example, New Jersey cited its use of LEAD
in the development of its new Office of Clean Energy
Equity (New Jersey Legislature 2020).
LEAD is available for free at
energy.gov/eere/slsc/maps/lead-tool.
Design to meet the
needs of highly
burdened communities
Set energy affordability goals
and track outcomes
Identify highly burdened
groups for programs to serve
Ramp-up investment
in low-income housing
retrofits, energy efficiency,
and weatherization
Increase federal funding for
LIHEAP and WAP
Increase local, state, and utility
funding for energy efficiency
and weatherization
Integrate energy, health, and
housing funding and resources
Enable accessible and fair
financing options
Improve program
design, delivery, and
evaluation through best
practices and community
engagement
Conduct collaborative and effective community engagement
Encourage best practices for program design, delivery, and evaluation to maximize program benefits in low-income communities
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SET ENERGY AFFORDABILITY GOALS
AND TRACK OUTCOMES
State and local policymakers can set energy affordability
and energy burden goals as a first step to addressing
energy insecurity in their communities. Examples of
such goals include reducing energy burdens by certain
percentages, lowering energy burdens for all households
to a certain threshold, or targeting resources toward
individuals with high energy burdens. By focusing on the
needs of those who are disproportionally burdened—
particularly at the intersection of criteria such as income,
race and ethnicity, and age—policymakers can set policies
and create programs that have the greatest impact on
addressing energy insecurity. Table 4 lists cities that
have established energy burden and affordability goals.
Appendix C includes additional city and state energy
burden policies.
To establish energy burden goals, cities, states, and
utilities can conduct baseline studies to understand the
state of energy burdens, poverty, housing, and access to
energy efficiency investments in their communities. They
can then establish an appropriate goal and strategies to
accomplish that goal.
Coordinating goal setting with other state and local
priorities can help cities to streamline their efforts. Some
cities—such as Minneapolis and New Orleans—include
energy burden goals in their climate action plans as
a strategy to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and
achieve more equitable outcomes. States such as New
TABLE 4. Cities with energy burden goals and strategies
City Description Data source
Atlanta The Resilience Strategy includes action to lift energy burden on 10%
of Atlanta households.City of Atlanta 2017
Cincinnati The Green Cincinnati Plan set a goal to reduce household energy
burdened by 10% compared to current levels.City of Cincinnati 2018
Houston
The Climate Action Plan includes a goal to promote weatherization
programs to reduce residential energy consumption and focus on
reducing energy burdens of low-income populations.
City of Houston 2020
Minneapolis
The Climate Action Plan states that the city will prioritize
neighborhoods with high energy burdens for strategy
implementation.
City of Minneapolis 2013
New Orleans The Climate Action Plan includes two strategies to reduce the high
energy burdens of the city’s residents.City of New Orleans 2017
Philadelphia The Clean Energy Vision Plan set a goal to eliminate the energy
burden for 33% of Philadelphians.City of Philadelphia 2018
Saint Paul The city set a 10-year goal to reduce resident energy burden so that
no household will spend more than 4% of its income on energy bills. City of Saint Paul 2017
York have also used energy burdens in statewide energy
affordability policy plans.
Energy burden maps and visualizations are a useful
tool for cities and states to achieve more equitable and
affordable energy in their communities, move resources
toward overburdened communities, and address other
climate and equity goals. The DOE’s LEAD tool provides
one way to create energy burden visualizations. Plans
should include specific strategies for lowering high
energy burdens, as well as methods and strategies to
track iterative progress.
In addition to goals, some cities have begun using
energy burden as an equity indicator metric. For
example, the city of Oakland includes energy cost
burden as a metric in its 2018 Equity Indicators report
(City of Oakland 2018) to measure equity within essential
housing services. The city found that energy burdens
were higher for Black, Hispanic, and Asian households
in the city as compared to white households. Similarly,
the Minneapolis Climate Action Plan indicates that
reporting on plan progress should also include equity
indicators to measure whether energy burden reductions
are equitable (City of Minneapolis 2013). Text box 2
offers examples of how governors and policymakers
in four states—Pennsylvania, New York, Oregon, and
Washington—created goals and policies around energy
burdens to address energy insecurity in their states. To
date, energy burden goals are largely set and acted
upon by climate and energy officials at the city and state
level. Such metrics and goals are rarely part of larger
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
public health strategies and priorities despite their wide-
reaching health implications.
IDENTIFY HIGHLY BURDENED GROUPS
FOR PROGRAMS TO SERVE
Overburdened households, especially Black, Native
American, Hispanic, and other communities of color,
often are either marginalized and overlooked by utilities’
energy efficiency program marketing or face additional
barriers to program participation, such as high cost or
financing barriers (Leventis, Kramer, and Schwartz 2017).
Creating targeted energy efficiency marketing beyond
direct billing mailers can drive positive outcomes for the
whole system.
Policymakers can also look beyond energy burden as
an indicator to identify highly burdened groups, taking
into account factors such as income, unemployment
TEXT BOX 2. CASE STUDIES: STATE-LED ENERGY AFFORDABILITY EFFORTS
New York Energy Affordability Goal. In 2016, Governor Andrew M. Cuomo became one of the first U.S.
government officials to issue a policy aimed at addressing high energy burdens. Through the state’s first ever
Energy Affordability policy, he aims to ensure that no New Yorker spends more than 6% of their household income
on energy (New York 2016). New York continues to explore pathways to reducing energy burden to 6% for all New
Yorkers through a combination of enhanced bill assistance, energy efficiency, and increased coordination among
state agencies responsible for energy, bill assistance, and affordable housing.
Oregon’s Strategies to Achieve Affordability. Issued by Governor Kate Brown in 2017, Executive Order 17-20
targets state agencies to improve energy efficiency. Section 5(b) emphasizes a prioritization of energy efficiency
in affordable housing to reduce utility bills (Oregon 2017). In response to this directive, the Oregon Housing
and Community Service Department partnered with the DOE and the Public Utility Commission to develop an
assessment to identify the energy burden of Oregon’s low-income population and also prioritize energy efficiency.
The interagency assessment concluded that energy costs for low-income Oregonians are nearly $350 million per
year, and it identified more than $113 million annual potential energy cost savings that can be achieved through
low-income energy efficiency programs across the state (OR DOE, OR PUC, and OHCS 2019). The order identifies a
number of strategies to achieve these cost savings, such as adopting energy codes for new buildings and including
retrofit measures, such as smart thermostats and replacing electric resistance heating.
Pennsylvania Energy Affordability Study. In 2019, the Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission (PA PUC) released a
report that examined home energy affordability for the state’s low-income customers (Pennsylvania PUC 2019a).
The report’s goal was to determine what constitutes an affordable energy burden for low-income households in
the state, which would advise changes to the bill payment assistance programs to achieve these affordable energy
burden levels. In 2020, the PA PUC set a new policy to direct the state’s regulated utilities to ensure that low-income
customers spend no more than 10% of their income on energy bills and that the lowest-income customers spend no
more than 6% of their income on energy bills (Pennsylvania PUC 2019b).
Washington Clean Energy Transformation Act. In 2019, Governor Jay Inslee passed the Clean Energy Transformation
Act (CETA), which sets specific goals to achieve 100% clean electricity across Washington by 2045. Under CETA, the
Washington Department of Commerce will assess the energy burdens of low-income households and the energy
assistance offered by electric utilities. The department will consult with local advocates of vulnerable populations
and low-income households to improve energy assistance programs. The department will publish a statewide
summary to include the estimated level of energy burden and energy assistance among electric customers, identify
drivers of energy burden and energy efficiency potential, and assess the effectiveness of current utility programs
and mechanisms to reduce energy burdens (Washington State Department of Commerce 2020).
rates, race and ethnicity, geography, education, and
multiple other stressors—including air pollution and
health indicators. By using metrics beyond energy
burden, policymakers and program implementers can
better invest resources in communities that experience
the highest levels of marginalization underinvestment,
and negative social and health impacts (Lin et al. 2019).
Policymakers can design and implement programs that
meet the needs of highly burdened groups through
robust community engagement. For example, local
governments can design programs to improve access
to affordable, energy-efficient housing by mandating
or incentivizing stringent energy efficiency standards,
streamlining permit and inspection processes, and
amending zoning codes for construction of more
housing units, while also using neighborhood
approaches to involve and empower community
members in these processes (Samarripas and de
Campos Lopes 2020).
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Efforts to alleviate high energy burdens should aim not
only to identify those with high burdens and energy use
but also to understand who has been overlooked by past
efforts and develop strategies to address the needs of
these households. Text box 3 contains additional case
studies of city- and utility-led strategies to meet the
needs of their overburdened communities.
Accelerate Investment in Low-Income
Housing Retrofits, Energy Efficiency,
and Weatherization
The current need for low-income energy efficiency and
weatherization far exceeds allocated resources. In 2017,
utility-led energy efficiency administrators allocated only
5% of electric and 22% of natural gas energy efficiency
expenditures to low-income programs (CEE 2019). This
funding allocation shows that energy efficiency funds
are not currently distributed to ensure that low-income
households have equitable access to these investments
and their benefits.
Policymakers and advocates can work toward leveraging
and allocating additional funding for low-income energy
efficiency and weatherization programs. They can also
help ensure that these programs follow best practices
to increase their impact. Following are several useful
strategies for ramping up additional funding for low-
income energy efficiency and weatherization.
TEXT BOX 3. MEETING THE NEEDS OF HIGHLY BURDENED GROUPS: CASE STUDIES
Minneapolis Green Zones: The Minneapolis Climate Action Plan’s Environmental Justice Working Group developed the
idea of Green Zones, a place-based policy initiative aimed at improving health and supporting economic development.
The city used data to identify two such zones—a Northern Green Zone and a Southern Green Zone—where residents face
disproportionate burdens across areas such as equity, displacement, air quality, brownfields and soil contamination,
housing, green jobs, food access, and greening (City of Minneapolis 2020). Once created, the city designed programs to
direct investment into these communities. The Green Zones provide an example of how policymakers can work to identify
highly burdened communities and create programs that meet the needs of residents in these areas.
Energy Burden as a Program Qualification: Efficiency Vermont. Efficiency Vermont (EVT), the energy efficiency program
implementer for the state’s utility-funded energy efficiency programs, conducted a 2018 study of equity measurements
to better understand how the clean energy industry defines, collects, analyzes, and reports data on equity. This study
informed changes to the design of EVT’s Targeted High Use Program, which launched in 2011 and originally qualified
customers based on two factors: income (< 80% of Area Median Income [AMI]) and a minimum energy use of 10,000 kWh/
year. The program historically served approximately 350 households per year, working with the DOE’s Weatherization
Assistance Program (WAP) to conduct energy assessments and then install LEDs and water-saving measures, identify
appliances for replacement, and replace high-efficiency heat pumps and heat pump water heaters where appropriate.
Through its equity analysis, EVT determined that the energy use threshold was too high and excluded many customers
with high energy burdens—but lower energy use—from accessing the program. In 2019, EVT changed the program
qualification to two factors: income (< 80% AMI) and electric energy burden (≥ 3%). This change allowed it to recenter the
program around energy burden reduction by qualifying not only more customers but also those who have high energy
burdens yet may have previously been disqualified based on their energy use.
INCREASE FEDERAL FUNDING
FOR LIHEAP AND WAP
Although an estimated 36 million U.S. households
are currently eligible for weatherization, the DOE’s
Weatherization Assistance Program (WAP) has served
only 7 million households over the past 40 years (Bullen
2018; DOE 2016). WAP serves about 100,000 homes
per year through DOE and leveraged funds, which is far
fewer than both the eligible households nationally and
the 15.7 million severely energy burdened households
estimated in this study (NASCSP 2020b). At the
current rate, it would take 360 years to weatherize all
eligible households through WAP—assuming no more
households become WAP-eligible over time.
Congress funds WAP and allows funds to be transferred to
the program from the Department of Health and Human
Services’ Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program
(LIHEAP). WAP can also utilize additional leveraged funds.
States can transfer 15% (or up to 25% with a waiver) of
LIHEAP bill assistance funds to WAP to supplement DOE
weatherization funding. Over the past 10 years, annual
expenditures directed toward weatherization have ranged
from $1 billion to $3 billion per year, with the American
Recovery and Reinvestment Act greatly increasing low-
income funding for WAP (Brown et al. 2019). The National
Association for State Community Services Programs’
2018 funding report estimates that WAP grantees had
access to $1.1 billion in total available funding in 2018,
with $247 million direct base funding from the DOE, $453
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
million from LIHEAP-transferred funding, and $408 million
from utilities, state-sourced revenue, and other sources
(NASCSP 2020b). Non-DOE WAP funds in 2018 added an
additional $861 million, or $3.48 for every DOE-invested
dollar (NASCSP 2020b).
The federal government has the ability to increase both
WAP and LIHEAP budgets to better meet households’
needs. From 2008 to 2018, DOE base funding for WAP
has fluctuated from a high of $450 million in 2009
to a low of $68 million in 2012 (DOE 2009, 2012). In
2020, Congress allocated $305 million to WAP—a 23%
increase ($58 million) compared to the funds allocated
in 2018 (DOE 2020). Even so, leveraging additional
state, local, and other funding helps supplement and
increase available weatherization funds. In addition,
states can decide to increase the LIHEAP percentage
they transfer to WAP to better support the program.
Further, it is essential that the increased demand for
adequate cooling systems be assessed in the allocation
of WAP and LIHEAP funds. For households across the
South, rising temperatures and the increasing frequency
and duration of heat waves are likely to increase cooling
needs—and thus energy expenses (Berardelli 2019).
The COVID-19 pandemic has added to the urgency
of increasing support for low-income bill payment
assistance. On May 8, 2020, the federal government
authorized $900 million in supplemental LIHEAP funding
to help “prevent, prepare for, or respond to” home
energy needs surrounding the national emergency
created by COVID-19 (HHS 2020). On May 15, 2020,
the U.S. House of Representatives passed the Health
and Economic Recovery Omnibus Emergency Solutions
(HEROES) Act, which would add an additional $1.5
billion for LIHEAP to address energy access and security
issues resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic (116th
Congress 2020). As of publication, the Senate has not
passed this legislation.
INCREASE STATE, LOCAL, AND UTILITY
FUNDING FOR ENERGY EFFICIENCY AND
WEATHERIZATION
Funding from states, local governments, and utilities
can also support low-income energy efficiency and
weatherization efforts. In many states, PUCs can set
low-income energy efficiency spending and/or savings
requirements—as well as energy burden reduction
targets—for their regulated utilities. As of 2017, of the 27
states with electric and/or natural gas Energy Efficiency
Resource Standards (EERS), 18 had low-income energy
efficiency spending requirements in place (Berg and
Drehobl 2018; Gilleo 2019). States and local governments
can also fund and implement their own energy efficiency
and weatherization programs separately from WAP or as
a WAP add-on. They can, for example, allocate funds—
such as from Community Development Block Grants
(CDGB)—to joint or independent energy efficiency and
weatherization programs.
Appendix C and text box 4 include examples of cities
and states that created independent energy efficiency and
weatherization programs to address high energy burdens.
INTEGRATE ENERGY, HEALTH, AND HOUSING
FUNDING AND RESOURCES.
High energy burdens, housing, and health are inextricably
linked. In our study, many of the groups who experience
high energy burdens also live in inadequate housing and
disproportionally suffer from a variety of other harms,
including higher than average exposures to environmental
pollution (Tessum et al. 2019) and higher than average
rates of certain preventable illnesses and diseases (CDC
2013). Although the recent COVID-19 pandemic has
sharply illustrated this disparity, the same story plays out
across a variety of preventable harms.19 Policy approaches
can be aligned to leverage funding resources and
maximize benefits for residents, including reduced energy
burdens and safer and healthier housing.
The benefits of these programs can be much greater
when the goals of saving energy and protecting health
are sought in tandem. Typical energy efficiency and
weatherization services can provide a range of health
benefits. Poorly sealed building envelopes allow pests,
moisture, and air pollution to infiltrate (Institute of
Medicine 2011), which can harm respiratory health
through pest allergies, mold growth, and lung disease.
Leaky windows, faulty HVAC systems, and poor
insulation can lead to cold drafts and extreme home
temperatures during summer and winter months. This
can trigger heat-related illnesses and asthma attacks,
as well as exacerbate other respiratory illnesses (AAFA
2017; American Lung Association 2020; CDC 2016).
Addressing these issues through energy efficiency and
weatherization will result in improved health outcomes; it
will also reduce household energy burdens.
19 For more on the disparities among COVID-19 fatalities, see Malcolm and Sawani (2020); Hooper, Nápoles, and Pérez-Stable (2020); and CDC (2020).
Policy approaches can be
aligned to leverage funding
resources and maximize
benefits for residents, including
reduced energy burdens and
safer and healthier housing.
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TEXT BOX 4. CITY- AND STATE-FUNDED ENERGY AFFORDABILITY PILOT PROGRAMS
Philadelphia: To meet its energy burden goals, Philadelphia has partnered on multiple pilot programs to reduce high
energy burdens for low-income single and multifamily households. In 2017, the Philadelphia Energy Authority (PEA)
launched its Multifamily Affordable Housing Pilot program in partnership with public and private-sector groups, including
the local electric and natural gas utilities, property owners, energy service companies, program implementers, contractors,
and technology providers (PEA 2020a). The program’s goal was to deliver deep energy savings of more than 30% to low-
income multifamily building residents in the city. In 2018, PEA and partners completed the program’s first phase, which
included low-cost measures and measures to collect energy data. These data were then used in the second phase to
design deeper savings measures, such as HVAC and building envelope measures.
In response to COVID-19, PEA is developing a platform with its partners and advocates to coordinate and streamline low-
income homeowner services aimed at improving home safety, health, affordability, and comfort (PEA 2020b). Set to launch
in 2021, PEA’s Built to Last pilot program aims to deliver comprehensive home improvements that will reduce energy
burden while improving health and safety. The program will serve 80–100 homes and will streamline benefit screening,
property assessment, and construction management. To cover program costs, Built to Last aims to combine available
funding with grants and microfinancing options. PEA plans to deploy the Built to Last program at a larger scale in 2022
(PEA 2020b).
Pittsburgh. The city recognized that while Pittsburgh residents have some of the lowest utility rates in the country, they
still pay almost twice the national average for their energy bills, leading to high energy burdens. Over the course of a few
years, Pittsburgh developed a Climate Action Plan and launched both its resilience strategy (OnePGH) and its equality
indicator project. These three projects helped the city identify residential energy burden as one of the primary challenges
that local communities face (City of Pittsburgh 2019). As part of the Bloomberg Mayor’s Challenge, Pittsburgh created
Switch PGH to address high energy burdens through a civic engagement tool that gamifies home improvement (Mayors
Challenge 2018). Switch PGH helps residents make lasting energy efficiency behavior changes and incentivizes home
upgrades to reduce energy burdens.
Colorado. The Colorado State Energy Office awarded GRID Alternatives, a solar installer that focuses on the low-income
market, a $1.2 million grant to launch a demonstration project with the goal of reducing the energy burden for more than 300
low-income households. The program also aimed to improve understanding of how to make community solar programs with
low-income participants mutually beneficial for both utilities and participants (Cook and Shah 2018) Through this program,
households saved from 15% to more than 50% on their utility bills, with an average annual savings of $382.
Myriad programs exist to address health and safety
issues within homes, as well as to preserve and grow the
affordable housing stock. Opportunities exist to integrate
these programs and resources to more comprehensively
address the energy, health, and housing needs of the
households most in need of assistance.20 For example,
many homes must defer energy efficiency investments
due to a home’s physical issues, such as those related to
structural deficiencies, moisture, and/or mold. According
to Rose et al. (2015), WAP agencies estimated that such
issues led to a 1–5% deferral rate for WAP income-
eligible homes. In some areas, however, the problem is
worse. In western Wisconsin, for example, a Community
Action Agency and WAP provider serving four counties
reported a deferral rate approaching 60% (NASCSP
2020a). Addressing nonenergy-related housing issues
would allow more homes to be weatherization-ready.
Integrating programs creates opportunities to streamline
administration and reduce operating redundancies
that can leave more funding for energy efficiency and
weatherization measures that enable households to save
on energy costs. Pooling resources and establishing
cross-sector referral networks not only stretches program
budgets, but it also can make programs more accessible
for residents by streamlining eligibility and enrollment
processes. For instance, offering a single contact point
or a streamlined process can give participants a variety
of services simultaneously to meet their energy, health,
and housing needs (Levin, Curry, and Capps 2019).
This can help mitigate barriers that arise when people
have to navigate multiple separate services with varying
eligibility requirements and enrollment processes.
Efficiency Vermont’s Healthy Homes Initiative (HHI) is
one such example. A partnership between the state’s
WAP partners and community-based organizations that
offer health interventions, HHI is coordinated through
Vermont’s Office of Economic Opportunity. Using
20 ACEEE recently published several reports exploring the intersection of health and energy, including Protecting the Health of Vulnerable Populations with In-Home Energy Efficiency: A Survey of Methods for
Demonstrating Health Outcomes (www.aceee.org/research-report/h1901); Making Health Count: Monetizing the Health Benefits of In-Home Services Delivered by Energy Efficiency Programs (www.aceee.org/research-report/h2001); and Braiding Energy and Health Funding for In-Home Programs: Federal Funding Opportunities (www.aceee.org/research-report/h2002).
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One Touch, an electronic platform for healthy home
resources, HHI has established a robust referral network
and successfully integrated healthy home principles into
its residential energy efficiency program design.
The health sector is also beginning to realize the
efficiencies of combining health and energy assessments
and interventions (Hayes and Gerbode 2020). For
example, a single contractor could be trained to both
identify and address a family’s asthma triggers, energy
efficiency needs, and fall risks, thereby reducing the
associated logistical burden on residents who might
otherwise have to coordinate each service individually.
Efforts such as this are beginning to appear across
the country. In 2015, the state of Washington directed
more than $4 million in competitive grants to fund
collaborations among clinical practitioners, home
retrofitters, and community service organizations as a
means of empowering clinicians and others to refer
participants for a range of coordinated services (e.g.,
comprehensive in-home repairs and community health
worker visits) (Levin, Curry, and Capps 2019). In New
York, the State Energy Research and Development
Authority (NYSERDA) recently kicked off a value-
based payment pilot program that seeks to implement
a healthy homes approach; through this program,
Medicaid managed care organizations will partly cover
residential upgrades when healthcare cost savings and
benefits to residents are verified (NYSERDA 2018). Such
cross-sectoral approaches to energy efficiency and
weatherization seek to address some of the major root
causes of health and energy inequities while making
enrollment and participation feasible and accessible for
residents. The benefits of energy efficiency cut across
the health and energy sectors; by working to integrate
resources, policymakers can maximize these benefits.
Housing policy can also help ensure that energy efficiency
is integrated into efforts to upgrade and expand the
affordable housing stock. State and local governments
can play a key role in these integrating approaches. For
example, a growing number of state housing finance
agencies (HFAs)—state-chartered entities responsible
for ensuring affordable housing across states—have
included energy efficiency requirements in their allocation
criteria for low-cost financing programs such as federal
Low-Income Housing Tax Credits and grant programs
administered to local governments. The same is true for
local housing authorities, which increasingly incorporate
energy efficiency into the maintenance and repair of
their subsidized housing stock (EPA 2018). Text box 5
offers a brief case study of how one local government
systematically required energy efficiency in its rental
certification process, ensuring that all types of rental
housing meet a specific level of energy performance.
ENABLE ACCESSIBLE AND FAIR
FINANCING OPTIONS
Many low-income households face barriers—such as
credit eligibility—to investing in energy efficiency; these
barriers can prevent them from participating in energy
efficiency programs or installing energy efficiency
upgrades that require financing for up-front costs.
With the right consumer protections in place, financing
can enable households to undertake cost-effective
energy efficiency investments to lower their energy
usage and bills. Local and state governments, utilities,
private lenders, and nonprofit or community-based
organizations can act to create and/or enable low- or
no-cost financing options (i.e., payments are offset by
energy cost savings) for energy efficiency investments.
Several types of financing instruments, such as on-bill
payment (i.e., loan repayments included on the utility
bill) and energy service agreements are becoming more
common (Leventis, Kramer, and Schwartz 2017). Similarly,
opportunities such as Commercial Property Assessed
Clean Energy (C-PACE) can increase energy efficiency
financing in the affordable multifamily sector. SEE Action’s
2017 report, Energy Efficiency Financing for Low- and
Moderate-Income Households, provides a comprehensive
overview of the pros and cons of various financing options
for both single and multifamily low-income households
(Leventis, Kramer, and Schwartz 2017).
Improve program design, delivery,
and evaluation through best practices
and community engagement
Program designers and implementers can collaborate
and effectively engage with a community to create
programs that fit its specific needs rather trying to fit
the community into an existing program design. They
can also incorporate best practices into their program
design, delivery, and evaluation, and can emulate
successful peer program models to increase program
effectiveness and impact.
CONDUCT COLLABORATIVE AND EFFECTIVE
COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT
To create programs that effectively reduce high energy
burdens, energy efficiency and renewable energy
program designers and implementers can work to
engage and include local stakeholders throughout the
program planning and implementation processes.
By connecting with, listening to, and partnering with
community-serving organizations and community
members in highly impacted communities, program
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administrators can identify the best measures, financing
options, delivery methods, and marketing strategies
to help residents reduce high energy burdens and
meet their needs. Achieving this connection requires
partnering with the community on program design and
identifying and addressing barriers to participation for
key stakeholders. This often requires engagement and
trust-building over a long time period.
Robust community engagement incorporates the voices
of and/or delegates power to community members.
Such engagement can help develop neighborhood-
centered programs that are most successful when
combined with consistent funding, quality delivery
infrastructure, and targeted outreach and engagement
(USDN 2019). For more information on best practices in
stakeholder engagement, see the DOE’s Clean Energy
for Low-Income Communities (CELICA) Online Toolkit
at betterbuildingssolutioncenter.energy.gov/CELICA-
Toolkit/stakeholder-engagement.
To include residents with high energy burdens in policy
and program design, cities, states, and utilities can
establish working groups, task forces, committees, and
other structures that give residents a formal decision-
making role. Creating this engagement when energy
insecurity strategies, goals, and/or programs are first
being developed allows for more input and direction
from community members. Local energy planning efforts
can also start with a community needs assessment led by
a formal body of community residents. Local government
and community leaders can then use this assessment’s
findings to drive local energy affordability policies
and program developments based on the findings’
prioritized needs and strategies.
Policymakers and program implementers can minimize
stakeholder and community participation barriers
by funding or compensating participants for their
time and participation in stakeholder engagement
processes. For example, offering stipends to compensate
participants for their time and expertise, setting realistic
time expectations, creating accessible logistics, and
offering additional incentives can increase participation
and access (Curti, Andersen, and Write 2018). Other
incentives to reduce engagement barriers include
childcare, meals, and transit passes.
Policymakers can also move to a model of energy
democracy in which community residents are innovators,
planners, and decision makers on how to use and create
energy in a way that is local, renewable, affordable,
and just (Fairchild and Weinrub 2017). Communities
that have transitioned to an energy democracy have
shifted away from “an extractive economy, energy,
and governance system to one that is regenerative,
provides reparations, transforms power structures,
and creates new governance and ownership practices
(ECC 2019).” The Emerald Cities Collaborative led the
creation of an Energy Democracy Scorecard, which
provides a framework for communities to move toward
an energy democracy. Policymakers can work to create
energy democracy frameworks in their communities by
working with community members to recognize power
TEXT BOX 5. THE CITY OF BOULDER’S SMARTREGS PROGRAM
In 2010, the city council in Boulder, Colorado, adopted SmartRegs, a program that requires all rental housing units in the
city to demonstrate that their efficiency approximates or exceeds the standards set by the 1999 Energy Code. The program
was integrated into the city’s existing rental license program, which requires a rental property to obtain and renew its rental
license every four years. This renewal entails an inspection for health and safety measures, and SmartRegs added energy
efficiency requirements that must be met to certify that the property is approved for rental. All single- and multifamily units
that offer long-term licensed rental housing are subject to the requirement. For larger multifamily buildings, a sample of
representative apartments can be inspected.
Boulder also offers a companion EnergySmart program that provides technical assistance, help with selecting contractors
for energy efficiency improvements, and financial incentives beyond those offered by the local utility. EnergySmart is
funded primarily by Boulder County and provides services to all municipalities in the county.
SmartRegs has been recognized not only for saving energy and related costs but also for leading to widescale upgrades
in the city’s rental housing stock. Over the course of the eight-year compliance timeline, nearly all of the approximately
23,000 licensed rental units have become compliant (City of Boulder 2020a). The most common upgrades were attic,
crawlspace, and wall insulation. The average upgrade cost has been about $3,000 per unit, of which an average of $579
was paid by city- and utility-sponsored rebates. As of 2018, the city estimates that the program has saved about 1.9 million
kWh of electricity, 460,000 therms of natural gas, $520,000 in energy costs, and 3,900 million metric tons of carbon
dioxide. The city estimates the total investment in the program at just over $8 million, including nearly $1 million in rebates
(City of Boulder 2020b).
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TABLE 5. Low-income program best practices by category
Coordination,
collaboration, and
segmentation
Funding and
financing
Measures,
messaging, and
targeting
Evaluation and
quality control
Renewables
and workforce
development
Community
engagement
and participatory
planning
Leverage diverse
funding sources
Include health and
safety measures and
healthier building
materials
Collect and share
metrics
Integrate energy
efficiency and solar
Statewide
coordination models
Inclusive financing
models
Prioritize deep
energy-saving
measures
Conduct robust
research and
evaluation
Support the
development of a
diverse and strong
energy efficiency
workforce
One-stop-shop
program models
Align utility and
housing finance
programs
Integrate direct-
installation and
rebate programs
Include quality
control
Market
segmentation
Target high energy
users and vulnerable
households
Incorporate
nonenergy benefits
Fuel neutral
programs
Incorporate new
and emerging
technologies in low-
income programs
Effectively message
programs in ways
that provide clear
value and actionable
guidance
imbalances and create dialogues about systemic barriers
that must be addressed in order to correct long-standing
injustices and inequalities in the energy and related
sectors. This can help move the energy planning model
to one of community self-determination and shared
ownership. For more information, see emeraldcities.org/
about/energy-democracy-scorecard.
ENCOURAGE BEST PRACTICES FOR PROGRAM
DESIGN, DELIVERY, AND EVALUATION TO
MAXIMIZE BENEFITS IN LOW-INCOME
COMMUNITIES
Researchers from ACEEE and other organizations have
established numerous best practice strategies and case
studies of ways to improve and expand low-income
energy efficiency programs and investments (Aznar et al.
2019; Nowak, Kushler, and Witte 2019; EDF 2018; Gilleo,
Nowak, and Drehobl 2017; Samarripas and York 2019;
Cluett, Amann, and Ou 2016; Ross, Jarrett, and York
2016; Reames 2016).
Table 5 includes low-income program best practices
across five categories: coordination, collaboration,
and segmentation; funding and financing; measures,
messaging, and targeting; evaluation and quality control;
and renewables and workforce development. Appendix D
offers more detailed descriptions and examples of each of
these best practices.
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High energy burdens and energy insecurity are well-documented and pervasive
national issues. Even in 2017, a time of economic prosperity, well over one-quarter
of all U.S. households experienced a high energy burden. As this indicates, we need
a renewed focus on equitable clean energy development and just energy transitions to
ensure that investments in energy efficiency and renewable energy address energy insecurity.
Climate change also underscores the urgency in addressing high household energy burdens.
As temperatures continue to rise and heat waves become more common, access to clean,
affordable energy is needed more than ever. We need cross-sectoral approaches that address
the intersection of energy, health, and housing in the face of climate change.
Conclusions and
Further Research
Energy burdens are not the sole indicator of energy
insecure households but rather provide one metric
for determining energy insecurity. Further research is
needed to identify the main physical drivers of high
energy burdens, as well as the policies best suited to
address the needs of the most highly energy burdened
households. To better understand their communities’
energy insecurity landscape, cities and states—and their
energy, health, and housing agencies—as well as utilities
are well-positioned to conduct detailed energy burden
analyses, including qualitative data collection and
interviews. Such studies would enable a first step toward
setting more targeted energy affordability and energy
burden goals and creating equitable, cross-sectoral
policies and programs for achieving greater access to
affordable energy for all.
Both nationally and in metro areas, this study finds that
certain groups pay disproportionally more of their income
on energy costs, including low-income households,
communities of color, older adults, renters, and those
residing in older buildings. Even though each metro area
has a unique energy burden landscape, all cities have
energy security inequities and can work to address them
through collaborative policy and program decisions.
Policymakers at the local, state, and utility levels can direct
energy efficiency and renewable energy investments
to disadvantaged and historically underinvested
communities. They can then measure and ensure that
these investments provide equitable benefits to local jobs,
community health, and residential energy affordability.
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APPENDIX A.
Energy Burden Data
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Appendix A.1—National Energy Burden Data
A1. National energy burden data including sample sizes, median energy burdens, median income, median monthly
energy bills, and the percentage of households in each group with a high and severe burden
Subgroups
Sample
size
Median
energy
burden
Median
annual
income
Median
annual
energy
expenditures
High
burden
percentage
(>6%)
Severe
burden
percentage
(>10%)
All households 53,539 3.1% $58,000 $1,800 25% 13%
Low-income (≤ 200% FPL)16,685 8.1% $18,000 $1,464 67% 40%
Low-income with adult over 65 6,018 9.3% $15,000 $1,440 74% 47%
Low-income with child under
six 2,665 7.1% $26,400 $1,800 59% 33%
Low-income with disability 5,759 8.7% $14,660 $1,344 69% 43%
Non-low-income (> 200% FPL)36,854 2.3% $84,005 $2,040 6%1%
White (non-Hispanic)33,219 2.9% $65,000 $1,920 23% 11%
Black 7,747 4.2% $36,000 $1,560 36% 21%
Hispanic 8,435 3.5% $47,400 $1,680 28% 14%
Native American 1,003 4.2% $40,000 $1,680 36% 19%
Older adults (65+ years)15,750 4.2% $40,015 $1,800 36% 19%
Renters 20,455 3.4% $36,000 $1,320 30% 17%
Owners 33,082 3.0% $75,000 $2,160 22% 11%
Single family 37,423 3.1% $70,020 $2,160 24% 12%
Multifamily (5+ units)9,936 2.4% $35,450 $960 22% 12%
Low-income multifamily
(5 + units, ≤ 200% FPL)4,563 5.6% $14,300 $960 47% 26%
Small multifamily (2–4 units)3,708 3.4% $34,700 $1,200 29% 17%
Manufactured homes 2,440 5.3% $34,800 $1,800 45% 25%
Buildings built before 1980 28,013 3.4% $50,040 $1,800 29% 15%
Buildings built after 1980 25,525 2.8% $66,000 $1,920 21% 11%
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Appendix A.2—Regional Energy Burden Data
A2.1. Regional energy burdens, including sample sizes for each region, median energy burdens, median monthly
energy bill, and the percentage with high and severe burdens
Region Sample size
Median energy burden
Median annual income
Median annual energy expenditures
Upper-quartile energy burden
High burden percentage (>6%)
Severe burden percentage (>10%)
East North Central 7,422 3.6% $52,500 $1,920 6.8% 29% 15%
East South Central 2,177 4.4% $39,400 $1,800 8.5% 38% 21%
Middle Atlantic 4,851 3.4% $60,000 $2,040 6.8% 29% 16%
Mountain 3,932 2.9% $57,625 $1,680 5.2% 21% 11%
New England 2,778 3.5% $71,985 $2,640 6.7% 29% 15%
Pacific 11,177 2.3% $69,800 $1,680 4.5% 18%9%
South Atlantic 11,363 3.2% $56,120 $1,920 6.2% 26% 14%
West North
Central 2,412 3.1% $55,100 $1,800 5.8% 25% 12%
West South
Central 7,427 3.3% $52,000 $1,800 6.0% 25% 13%
National 53,539 3.1% $58,000 $1,800 6.0% 25% 13%
A2.2. Regional median energy burdens for income-based groups
Region
Low-income
(≤200% FPL)
Low-income
with older
adults (65+)
Low-income
with child
under 6
Low-
income with
disability
Low-income
multifamily
(5+ units,
≤200% FPL)
Non-low-
income
(>200% FPL)
East North
Central 9.1%9.8%8.2%9.2%6.0%2.6%
East South
Central 9.1%10.0%8.6%9.9%6.6%2.9%
Middle Atlantic 9.4%10.7%7.9%10.2%6.9%2.6%
Mountain 6.9%8.4%5.7%7.7%4.5%2.2%
New England 10.5%11.6%9.6%10.8%5.6%2.9%
Pacific 6.8%7.5%5.4%6.9%5.3%1.7%
South Atlantic 8.4%9.5%7.7%8.8%5.8%2.3%
West North
Central 7.9%9.1%7.1%7.9%4.7%2.5%
West South
Central 7.7%9.6%6.6%9.0%5.8%2.4%
National 8.1%9.3%7.1%8.7%5.6%2.3%
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A2.3. Regional median energy burdens based on race/ethnicity, age, and tenure status
Region
White (non-
Hispanic) Black Hispanic
Older adults
(65+ years) Renter Owner
East North Central 3.4%5.1%3.4%4.7%4.2% 3.3%
East South Central 4.0%6.2%5.0%5.7%5.3% 4.0%
Middle Atlantic 3.2%4.4%4.5%4.8%3.8% 3.2%
Mountain 2.6%3.3%3.7%3.8%3.0% 2.8%
New England 3.4%4.0%4.6%4.8%3.6% 3.5%
Pacific 2.1%3.2%3.0%3.3%2.5% 2.2%
South Atlantic 2.9%4.0%3.4%4.4%3.5% 3.0%
West North Central 3.0%4.6%3.3%3.9%3.9% 2.9%
West South Central 2.9%4.0%4.0%4.4%3.6% 3.1%
National 2.9%4.2%3.5%4.2%3.4% 3.0%
A2.4. Regional median energy burdens based on building type
Region
Single
family
Multifamily
(5+ units)
Low-income
multifamily
(5+ units,
≤200% FPL)
Built before
1980
Built after
1980
East North Central 3.6%3.0%6.0% 4.0% 2.9%
East South Central 4.3%3.9%6.6% 4.9% 3.9%
Middle Atlantic 3.5%2.5%6.9% 3.6% 2.9%
Mountain 2.9%2.3%4.5% 3.3% 2.7%
New England 3.6%2.4%5.6% 3.7% 3.1%
Pacific 2.4%1.9%5.3% 2.3% 2.3%
South Atlantic 3.2%2.5%5.8% 3.6% 2.9%
West North Central 3.1%2.6%4.7% 3.4% 2.7%
West South Central 3.3%2.6%5.8% 3.9% 3.0%
National 3.1%2.4%5.6%3.4% 2.8%
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A2.5. Regional upper-quartile energy burdens for income-based groups (25% of households in each group have a
burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Region
Low-income
(≤200% FPL)
Low-income
with older
adults (65+)
Low-income
with child
under 6
Low-
income with
disability
Low-income
multifamily
Non-low-
income
(>200% FPL)
East North
Central 16.4% 17.6% 14.2% 15.9% 10.6%3.9%
East South
Central 15.7% 15.7% 18.7% 17.2% 12.0%4.2%
Middle Atlantic 17.6% 20.1% 15.6% 18.5% 12.9%4.0%
Mountain 12.0% 15.3%9.6% 13.6%8.4%3.3%
New England 19.3% 21.7% 15.4% 19.2% 10.8%4.5%
Pacific 12.0% 13.7% 10.2% 12.0%9.2%2.8%
South Atlantic 14.7% 15.9% 12.4% 15.7% 10.0%3.6%
West North
Central 14.1% 14.5% 13.7% 14.6%8.7%3.6%
West South
Central 12.9% 17.5% 10.1% 16.5% 10.2%3.5%
National 14.4% 16.3% 12.0% 15.6% 10.1%3.6%
A2.6. Regional upper-quartile energy burdens based on race/ethnicity, age, and tenure status (25% of households in
each group have a burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Region
White (non-
Hispanic) Black Hispanic
Older adults
(65+ years) Renter Owner
East North
Central 6.4% 10.0%6.1%8.4%8.4%6.1%
East South
Central 7.4% 12.3%9.2% 10.3% 10.9%7.2%
Middle Atlantic 6.2%9.8%8.6%9.3%8.0%6.1%
Mountain 4.8%6.3%6.2%7.0%5.7%4.9%
New England 6.3%8.1%9.3%9.5%7.8%6.0%
Pacific 4.1%6.5%5.6%6.4%5.1%4.1%
South Atlantic 5.5%8.0%6.2%8.4%7.4%5.5%
West North
Central 5.5%9.3%6.1%7.3%7.8%5.2%
West South
Central 5.1%7.6%7.1%8.6%7.3%5.4%
National 5.5%8.4%6.5%8.1%7.1%5.4%
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A2.7. Regional upper-quartile energy burdens based on building type (25% of households in each group have a
burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Region
Single
family
Multifamily
(5+ units)
Low-income
multifamily
(≤200% FPL,
5+ units)
Built before
1980
Built after
1980
East North Central 6.6%6.5%10.6%7.4%5.7%
East South Central 7.8%8.2%12.0%9.6%7.5%
Middle Atlantic 6.7%6.5%12.9%7.0%5.9%
Mountain 5.0%4.7%8.4%5.9%4.8%
New England 6.4%6.1%10.8%7.2%5.6%
Pacific 4.4%4.3%9.2%4.7%4.3%
South Atlantic 6.0%5.3%10.0%7.2%5.5%
West North Central 5.7%5.5%8.7%6.4%5.1%
West South Central 5.9%5.4%10.2%7.4%5.2%
National 5.8%5.3%10.1%6.7%5.3%
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Appendix A.3—Metro-Level Energy Burden Data
A3.1. Metro-level energy burdens, including sample sizes for each city, median energy burdens, median monthly
energy bill, and percentage with high burden and severe burden
Metro area Sample size
Median energy burden
Median annual income
Median annual energy expenditures
Upper-quartile energy burden
High burden percentage (>6%)
Severe burden percentage (>10%)
Atlanta 1,957 3.5% $60,000 $2,280 6.5% 28% 14%
Baltimore 1,741 3.0% $75,100 $2,280 5.5% 23% 11%
Birmingham 1,755 4.2% $53,300 $2,280 7.4% 34% 18%
Boston 1,728 3.1% $81,925 $2,640 5.8% 24% 12%
Chicago 1,788 2.7% $65,350 $1,800 4.8% 20% 10%
Dallas 2,472 2.9% $60,000 $1,920 4.9% 19%8%
Detroit 1,917 3.8% $57,000 $2,160 6.9% 30% 16%
Houston 2,164 3.0% $60,000 $1,800 5.3% 21% 11%
Las Vegas 1,968 2.8% $54,700 $1,560 4.8% 18% 10%
Los Angeles 2,351 2.2% $61,900 $1,440 4.4% 17%9%
Miami 1,978 3.0% $48,050 $1,440 5.5% 23% 12%
Minneapolis 1,943 2.2% $81,000 $1,920 3.6% 12%5%
New York City 1,510 2.9% $67,500 $1,920 6.0% 25% 15%
Oklahoma City 2,111 3.3% $52,000 $1,800 5.8% 24% 11%
Philadelphia 1,852 3.2% $66,500 $2,160 6.3% 26% 14%
Phoenix 2,000 3.0% $60,000 $1,800 5.2% 21% 10%
Richmond 1,933 2.6% $69,000 $1,920 4.7% 17%9%
Riverside 2,070 3.6% $58,750 $2,160 6.7% 29% 15%
Rochester 1,807 3.8% $56,000 $2,160 6.7% 29% 15%
San Antonio 2,014 3.0% $55,000 $1,800 5.4% 22% 11%
San Francisco 1,950 1.4% $100,000 $1,440 2.9% 10%6%
San Jose 2,043 1.5% $109,000 $1,560 2.9% 11%6%
Seattle 2,162 1.8% $79,800 $1,440 3.3% 11%6%
Tampa 1,701 2.8% $52,000 $1,560 5.3% 21% 11%
Washington, DC 2,214 2.0% $100,000 $2,160 3.9% 14%7%
National 53,539 3.1% $58,000 $1,800 6.0% 25% 13%
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A3.2. Metro-level median energy burdens for income-based groups
Metro area
Low-income
(≤200% FPL)
Low-income
with older
adults (65+)
Low-income
with child
under 6
Low-
income with
disability
Low-income
multifamily
(5+ units,
≤200% FPL)
Non-low-
income
(>200% FPL)
Atlanta 9.7% 12.6%8.1% 10.4%6.6%2.7%
Baltimore 10.5% 11.4%7.8% 10.0%7.5%2.6%
Birmingham 10.9% 12.9%9.3% 10.7%6.8%3.0%
Boston 10.1% 11.8%9.5% 10.4%6.6%2.6%
Chicago 8.0%9.5%5.9%8.0%6.4%2.1%
Dallas 6.7% 10.0%6.0%8.1%5.0%2.4%
Detroit 10.2% 12.0%8.6% 10.7%6.0%2.8%
Houston 7.1%9.9%5.8%9.6%5.8%2.2%
Las Vegas 6.5%8.3%5.0%6.5%5.3%2.2%
Los Angeles 6.0%6.4%4.9%6.1%4.8%1.6%
Miami 6.9%8.0%5.0%7.6%5.5%2.1%
Minneapolis 6.6%8.7%4.7%7.0%4.3%2.0%
New York City 9.3% 11.4%7.5% 11.0%8.0%2.1%
Oklahoma City 7.8%9.5%6.1%8.7%6.5%2.6%
Philadelphia 9.5% 10.4%8.1% 10.1%6.5%2.4%
Phoenix 7.0%8.3%5.6%7.3%4.6%2.4%
Richmond 8.2% 10.3%6.9%8.4%5.0%2.3%
Riverside 8.7% 10.6%6.7%9.6%6.1%2.7%
Rochester 9.5% 10.1%7.9%9.4%6.0%2.9%
San Antonio 7.4%9.5%6.0%8.6%4.8%2.4%
San Francisco 6.1%7.0%4.7%6.6%4.9%1.2%
San Jose 6.5%8.1%4.4%7.6%4.7%1.2%
Seattle 6.0%6.8%4.4%6.0%4.1%1.6%
Tampa 7.2%8.0%5.6%8.0%4.9%2.1%
Washington, DC 7.5%9.3%5.9%8.3%5.2%1.8%
National 8.1%9.3%7.1%8.7%5.6%2.3%
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A3.3. Metro-level median energy burdens based on race/ethnicity, age, and tenure status
Metro area
White (non-
Hispanic) Black Hispanic
Older adults
(65+) Renter Owner
Atlanta 3.1%4.1%4.7%5.1%3.7%3.4%
Baltimore 2.8%3.8%3.3%4.1%3.2%2.9%
Birmingham 3.8%5.6%4.8%5.8%5.2%3.9%
Boston 3.0%3.7%3.6%4.4%3.2%3.0%
Chicago 2.4%4.1%3.0%3.7%3.1%2.5%
Dallas 2.6%3.3%3.8%3.8%2.9%3.0%
Detroit 3.5%5.3%4.5%5.2%4.6%3.6%
Houston 2.5%3.5%3.4%4.1%3.3%2.7%
Las Vegas 2.7%3.2%3.0%3.4%3.0%2.7%
Los Angeles 1.8%3.6%2.6%3.2%2.4%2.1%
Miami 2.5%3.4%3.1%4.2%3.1%2.8%
Minneapolis 2.2%2.6%2.7%3.0%2.3%2.2%
New York City 2.6%3.6%3.8%4.2%3.3%2.7%
Oklahoma City 3.1%3.9%4.2%4.0%3.9%3.1%
Philadelphia 2.9%4.4%5.2%4.4%3.9%3.0%
Phoenix 2.8%3.2%3.6%4.0%2.8%3.1%
Richmond 2.4%3.4%2.9%3.5%2.9%2.6%
Riverside 3.4%3.9%3.7%5.1%4.0%3.4%
Rochester 3.6%5.1%5.4%4.8%4.3%3.6%
San Antonio 2.7%3.1%3.4%4.1%3.1%3.0%
San Francisco 1.2%2.4%1.2%2.4%1.4%1.4%
San Jose 1.4%1.8%1.9%2.4%1.5%1.5%
Seattle 1.8%2.3%2.0%2.4%1.8%1.8%
Tampa 2.6%3.6%3.5%3.8%2.8%2.9%
Washington, DC 1.7%2.9%2.7%2.9%2.0%2.0%
National 2.9%4.2%3.5%4.2%3.4%3.0%
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A3.4. Metro-level median energy burdens based on building type
Metro area
Single
family
Multifamily
(5+ units)
Low-income
multifamily
(5+ units,
≤200% FPL)
Built before
1980
Built after
1980
Atlanta 3.7% 2.5%6.6%4.5%3.3%
Baltimore 3.2% 2.5%7.5%3.6%2.4%
Birmingham 4.1% 3.5%6.8%5.1%3.6%
Boston 3.1% 2.2%6.6%3.2%2.6%
Chicago 2.6% 2.7%6.4%2.9%2.2%
Dallas 3.1% 2.2%5.0%3.5%2.7%
Detroit 3.8% 2.5%6.0%4.3%3.0%
Houston 3.0% 2.5%5.8%3.4%2.7%
Las Vegas 2.8% 2.4%5.3%3.6%2.7%
Los Angeles 2.3% 2.1%4.8%2.3%2.1%
Miami 2.9% 2.9%5.5%3.3%2.6%
Minneapolis 2.3% 1.8%4.3%2.5%2.0%
New York City 3.0% 2.4%8.0%3.0%2.4%
Oklahoma City 3.2% 3.3%6.5%3.8%2.9%
Philadelphia 3.3% 2.7%6.5%3.6%2.5%
Phoenix 3.1% 2.1%4.6%3.6%2.8%
Richmond 2.6% 2.1%5.0%3.1%2.3%
Riverside 3.5% 3.9%6.1%4.3%3.3%
Rochester 3.7% 3.2%6.0%4.0%3.4%
San Antonio 3.0% 2.6%4.8%3.9%2.7%
San Francisco 1.5% 1.3%4.9%1.4%1.4%
San Jose 1.6% 1.2%4.7%1.6%1.3%
Seattle 1.9% 1.5%4.1%2.0%1.7%
Tampa 2.8% 2.2%4.9%3.3%2.5%
Washington, DC 2.2% 1.4%5.2%2.3%1.9%
National 3.1%2.4%5.6%3.4%2.8%
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A3.5. Metro-level upper-quartile energy burdens for income-based groups (25% of households in each group have a
burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Metro area
Low-
income
(≤200%
FPL)
Low-
income
with older
adults (65+)
Low-
income
with child
under 6
Low-
income
with
disability
Low-
income
multifamily
Non-low-
income
(>200%
FPL)
Atlanta 16.2% 19.1% 12.8% 17.9% 11.7% 4.1%
Baltimore 21.7% 34.0% 10.9% 27.1% 5.5% 3.8%
Birmingham 18.3% 20.0% 17.1% 17.7% 13.9% 4.6%
Boston 18.6% 21.8% 16.0% 21.4% 11.7% 4.2%
Chicago 15.1% 17.5% 11.2% 13.2% 12.7% 3.1%
Dallas 11.4% 17.1% 8.5% 15.4% 7.9% 3.6%
Detroit 18.8% 21.2% 13.6% 19.8% 9.6% 4.3%
Houston 12.2% 20.2% 9.0% 22.0% 9.8% 3.2%
Las Vegas 13.8% 21.8% 8.0% 13.7% 10.9% 3.2%
Los Angeles 10.4% 11.4% 8.4% 11.2% 8.7% 2.6%
Miami 11.2% 13.3% 10.0% 13.0% 10.0% 3.0%
Minneapolis 12.2% 14.8% 6.9% 12.6% 7.7% 2.9%
New York City 16.8% 21.8% 14.1% 18.6% 15.0% 3.4%
Oklahoma City 12.5% 14.0% 9.9% 12.4% 10.2% 3.7%
Philadelphia 19.1% 24.9% 14.7% 20.0% 12.1% 3.8%
Phoenix 11.9% 15.3% 9.2% 12.7% 7.3% 3.5%
Richmond 15.6% 22.0% 10.4% 19.2% 8.8% 3.3%
Riverside 15.0% 16.6% 10.7% 16.5% 9.9% 3.9%
Rochester 15.9% 20.0% 14.0% 14.7% 9.9% 4.3%
San Antonio 13.3% 16.6% 9.2% 16.2% 9.2% 3.5%
San Francisco 14.3% 14.3% 8.5% 14.4% 11.0% 2.0%
San Jose 12.5% 14.9% 7.6% 14.9% 8.9% 2.0%
Seattle 10.9% 12.0% 9.2% 9.9% 6.8% 2.4%
Tampa 12.1% 12.1% 10.7% 12.7% 9.2% 3.2%
Washington, DC 13.5% 17.6% 8.9% 15.0% 9.1% 2.9%
National 14.4% 16.3% 12.0% 15.6% 10.1% 3.6%
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A3.6. Metro-level upper-quartile energy burdens based on race/ethnicity, age, and tenure status (25% of households
in each group have a burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Metro area
White (non-
Hispanic) Black Hispanic
Older adults
(65+) Renter Owner
Atlanta 5.4%8.1%7.4%9.8%7.2% 6.2%
Baltimore 5.0%8.3%4.9%8.0%6.7% 5.1%
Birmingham 6.7% 11.8%8.7% 10.7% 10.4% 6.8%
Boston 5.6%8.1%7.7%9.0%6.8% 5.6%
Chicago 4.2%8.5%4.9%7.5%6.0% 4.4%
Dallas 4.3%5.8%6.0%7.0%5.1% 4.8%
Detroit 6.3%9.4%7.2%9.0%8.9% 6.3%
Houston 4.4%6.6%6.1%8.0%6.2% 4.8%
Las Vegas 4.6%6.1%5.0%6.1%5.3% 4.3%
Los Angeles 3.6%6.5%5.0%6.1%5.1% 3.8%
Miami 4.4%6.9%5.8%8.3%6.4% 5.0%
Minneapolis 3.5%4.4%4.5%5.4%4.2% 3.5%
New York City 5.4%8.2%7.9% 10.1%7.2% 5.3%
Oklahoma City 5.4%7.4%6.6%7.7%6.8% 5.2%
Philadelphia 5.2% 10.2%9.2%8.4%7.9% 5.5%
Phoenix 4.8%6.2%6.0%7.0%5.2% 5.2%
Richmond 4.1%7.0%5.8%6.8%5.5% 4.4%
Riverside 6.7%7.3%6.9%9.2%7.2% 6.4%
Rochester 6.2% 11.6% 11.4%9.0%8.1% 6.1%
San Antonio 4.6%5.2%6.4%7.9%5.5% 5.3%
San Francisco 2.5%5.3%3.6%4.7%3.0% 2.8%
San Jose 2.8%3.7%3.4%5.0%3.1% 2.8%
Seattle 3.2%4.5%4.1%5.1%3.6% 3.2%
Tampa 5.0%7.1%6.3%6.5%5.6% 5.2%
Washington, DC 3.0%5.1%5.1%6.0%4.4% 3.6%
National 5.5%8.4%6.5%8.1%7.1% 5.4%
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A3.7. Metro-level upper-quartile energy burdens based on building type (25% of households in each group have a
burden above the upper-quartile threshold)
Metro area
Single
family
Multifamily
(5+ units)
Low-income
multifamily
(≤200% FPL,
5+ units)
Built before
1980
Built after
1980
Atlanta 6.6%5.3%11.7%8.1%5.8%
Baltimore 5.5%5.5%5.5%6.9%4.0%
Birmingham 7.3%6.5%13.9%9.7%6.3%
Boston 5.6%5.6%11.7%6.2%4.9%
Chicago 4.5%5.3%12.7%5.5%4.0%
Dallas 5.1%4.2%7.9%6.0%4.6%
Detroit 6.8%6.0%9.6%7.5%5.7%
Houston 5.1%5.1%9.8%6.1%4.8%
Las Vegas 4.7%4.7%10.9%6.7%4.4%
Los Angeles 4.4%4.4%8.7%4.5%4.1%
Miami 5.2%5.5%10.0%6.2%4.8%
Minneapolis 3.6%3.3%7.7%3.9%3.3%
New York City 6.3%6.6%15.0%5.9%6.4%
Oklahoma City 5.5%6.8%10.2%6.9%4.7%
Philadelphia 6.2%5.8%12.1%7.0%4.9%
Phoenix 5.1%4.2%7.3%6.0%4.6%
Richmond 4.7%4.0%8.8%6.0%3.9%
Riverside 6.5%6.9%9.9%7.8%5.8%
Rochester 6.5%6.3%9.9%7.1%5.9%
San Antonio 5.5%4.3%9.2%7.5%4.5%
San Francisco 3.0%2.6%11.0%2.9%2.8%
San Jose 3.0%2.6%8.9%3.1%2.5%
Seattle 3.2%3.2%6.8%3.6%3.1%
Tampa 5.2%4.4%9.2%6.5%4.5%
Washington, DC 4.0%3.2%9.1%4.5%3.2%
National 5.8%5.3%10.1%6.7%5.3%
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APPENDIX B.
High and Severe
Energy Burdens
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This section includes 2017 population data from the American Housing Survey (AHS) Table Creator for both national and
metropolitan statistical area samples. www.census.gov/programs-surveys/ahs/data/interactive/ahstablecreator.html.
Appendix B.1—National High and Severe Energy Burdens
B1.1. Total national households in each subgroup, and each subgroup’s total households with a high energy burden
(≥6%) and total households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Category Subgroup
Total
households
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total
severely
burdened
households
(≥10%)
Income
All households 121,560,000 25% 30,585,830 13% 15,861,674
Low-income (≤200% FPL)38,551,000 67% 25,776,144 40%15,383,432
Non-low-income (>200%
FPL)83,009,000 6% 5,214,246 1% 738,779
Race/
ethnicity
Black 16,552,000 36% 5,995,213 21% 3,469,788
Native American 1,483,000 36% 541,155 19% 283,884
Hispanic 16,496,000 28% 4,572,335 14% 2,250,966
White (non-Hispanic) 80,550,000 23% 21,924,520 11% 10,485,640
Age Older adults (65+)34,929,000 36% 12,487,949 19% 6,701,933
Tenure
Renters 43,993,000 30% 13,218,332 17% 7,290,945
Owners 77,567,000 22% 17,174,847 11% 8,431,501
Housing
type
Low-income multifamily
(5+ units) and low-income
(≤200% FPL)
9,345,000 47% 4,413,429 26% 2,408,442
Small multifamily (2–4
units)8,363,000 47% 3,949,653 26% 2,155,356
Manufactured homes 6,727,000 45% 2,999,580 25% 1,709,320
Built before 1980 55,723,000 29% 15,911,480 15% 8,392,366
Single family 85,791,000 24% 20,831,649 12% 10,476,575
Multifamily (5+ units)20,605,000 22% 4,572,668 12% 2,449,125
Built after 1980 65,838,000 21%14,114,223 11% 7,137,071
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Appendix B.2—Regional High and Severe Energy Burdens
B2.1. Total households in each region, and each region’s total households with a high energy burden (≥6%) and total
households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total households
in region
Percentage
highly burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
households
(≥10%)
East North
Central 18,522,000 29%5,371,380 15%2,778,300
East South
Central 7,417,000 38%2,818,460 21%1,557,570
Middle Atlantic 16,019,000 29%4,645,510 16%2,563,040
Mountain 8,916,000 21%1,872,360 11%980,760
New England 5,809,000 29%1,684,610 15%871,350
Pacific 18,305,000 18%3,294,900 9%1,647,450
South Atlantic 23,974,000 26%6,233,240 14%3,356,360
West North
Central 8,527,000 25%2,131,750 12%1,023,240
West South
Central 14,070,000 25%3,517,500 13%1,829,100
National 121,560,000 25%30,585,830 13%15,861,674
B2.2. Total low-income households in each region, and each region’s total low-income households with a high energy
burden (≥6%) and total low-income households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total low-
income
households in
region
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
low-income
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
low-income
households
(≥10%)
East North Central 5,979,000 74% 4,424,460 45% 2,690,550
East South Central 2,976,000 74% 2,202,240 46% 1,368,960
Middle Atlantic 4,827,000 72% 3,475,440 48% 2,316,960
Mountain 2,719,000 58% 1,577,020 33%897,270
New England 1,621,000 75% 1,215,750 52%842,920
Pacific 5,064,000 57% 2,886,480 33% 1,671,120
South Atlantic 8,042,000 69% 5,548,980 41% 3,297,220
West North Central 2,297,000 66% 1,516,020 39%895,830
West South Central 5,026,000 66% 3,317,160 36% 1,809,360
National 38,551,000 67% 25,776,144 40%15,383,432
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B2.3. Total Black households in each region, and each region’s total Black households with a high energy burden
(≥6%) and total Black households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total Black
households in
region
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened Black
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened Black
households
(≥10%)
East North Central 2,336,000 43% 1,004,480 25%584,000
East South Central 1,595,000 51%813,450 31%494,450
Middle Atlantic 2,437,000 38%926,060 25%609,250
Mountain 359,000 27%96,930 13%46,670
New England 401,000 33%132,330 17%68,170
Pacific 1,077,000 26%280,020 15%161,550
South Atlantic 5,485,000 35% 1,919,750 20% 1,097,000
West North Central 585,000 40%234,000 24%140,400
West South Central 2,277,000 34%774,180 19%432,630
National 16,552,000 36% 5,995,213 21% 3,469,788
B2.4. Total Hispanic households in each region, and each region’s total Hispanic households with a high energy
burden (≥6%) and total Hispanic households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total Hispanic
households in
region
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
Hispanic
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
Hispanic
households
(≥10%)
East North Central 1,083,000 26%281,580 12%129,960
East South Central 197,000 38%74,860 23%45,310
Middle Atlantic 2,052,000 38%779,760 22%451,440
Mountain 1,721,000 27%464,670 13%223,730
New England 563,000 40%225,200 23%129,490
Pacific 4,466,000 23% 1,027,180 11%491,260
South Atlantic 2,695,000 26%700,700 12%323,400
West North Central 360,000 26%93,600 15%54,000
West South Central 3,359,000 31% 1,041,290 15%503,850
National 16,496,000 28% 4,572,335 14% 2,250,966
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B2.5. Total older adult (65+) households in each region, and each region’s total older adult (65+) households with a
high energy burden (≥6%) and total older adult (65+) households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total older
adult (65+)
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
older adult
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
older adult
households
(≥10%)
East North Central 4,711,000 39% 1,837,290 20%942,200
East South Central 1,902,000 49%931,980 26%494,520
Middle Atlantic 4,228,000 41% 1,733,480 23%972,440
Mountain 2,258,000 30%677,400 15%338,700
New England 1,578,000 41%646,980 24%378,720
Pacific 4,328,000 27% 1,168,560 14%605,920
South Atlantic 6,402,000 37% 2,368,740 21% 1,344,420
West North Central 2,202,000 32%704,640 17%374,340
West South Central 3,058,000 37% 1,131,460 21%642,180
National 34,929,000 36% 12,487,949 19% 6,701,933
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B2.6. Total renting households in each region, and each region’s total renting households with a high energy burden
(≥6%) and total renting households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Region
Total renting
households in
region
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
renting
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
renting
households
(≥10%)
East North
Central 5,945,000 37% 2,199,650 21% 1,248,450
East South
Central 2,458,000 46% 1,130,680 28%688,240
Middle Atlantic 6,279,000 34% 2,134,860 21% 1,318,590
Mountain 3,091,000 24%741,840 12%370,920
New England 2,092,000 34%711,280 19%397,480
Pacific 7,910,000 21% 1,661,100 11%870,100
South Atlantic 8,395,000 31% 2,602,450 17% 1,427,150
West North
Central 2,616,000 34%889,440 19%497,040
West South
Central 5,207,000 31% 1,614,170 17%885,190
National 43,993,000 30% 13,218,332 17% 7,290,945
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Appendix B.3—Metro Area High and Severe Energy Burdens
B3.1. Total households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total households with a high energy burden (≥6%) and total
households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 2,108,800 28%589,430 14%287,711
Baltimore 1,047,600 23%237,681 11%120,345
Birmingham 447,000 34%153,330 18%80,995
Boston 1,853,800 24%447,358 12%230,652
Chicago 3,526,500 20%704,117 10%362,906
Dallas 2,564,700 19%483,475 8%216,838
Detroit 1,723,300 30%518,698 16%269,687
Houston 2,329,000 21%499,379 11%249,689
Las Vegas 798,600 18%145,680 10%80,347
Los Angeles 4,395,700 17%768,453 9%390,770
Miami 2,090,600 23%476,674 12%249,435
Minneapolis 1,379,600 12%159,048 5%71,714
New York City 7,428,000 25% 1,859,460 15% 1,111,740
Oklahoma City 515,900 24%124,637 11%57,920
Philadelphia 2,308,400 26%609,507 14%332,798
Phoenix 1,685,600 21%351,448 10%165,189
Richmond 489,500 17%85,086 9%46,342
Riverside 1,314,500 29%382,285 15%197,493
Rochester 439,700 29%127,262 15%64,726
San Antonio 805,700 22%176,022 11%88,011
San Francisco 1,706,200 10%170,620 6%100,622
San Jose 657,700 11%71,468 6%38,953
Seattle 1,485,700 11%170,423 6%83,837
Tampa 1,182,800 21%248,937 11%127,945
Washington, DC 2,178,800 14%299,167 7%149,583
National 120,062,818 25% 30,585,830 13% 15,861,674
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B3.2. Total low-income households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total low-income households with a high energy
burden (≥6%) and total low-income households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total low-
income
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
low-income
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
low-income
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 589,900 79%466,021 48%283,152
Baltimore 241,200 77%185,724 52%125,424
Birmingham 156,000 82%127,920 54%84,240
Boston 412,700 74%305,398 51%210,477
Chicago 1,025,400 68%697,272 39%399,906
Dallas 692,500 49%339,325 31%214,675
Detroit 551,700 80%441,360 51%281,367
Houston 731,100 61%445,971 34%248,574
Las Vegas 253,700 55%139,535 33%83,721
Los Angeles 1,371,300 50%685,650 27%370,251
Miami 820,900 57%467,913 31%254,479
Minneapolis 256,900 57%146,433 32%82,208
New York City 2,248,400 70% 1,573,880 48% 1,079,232
Oklahoma City 155,400 68%105,672 37%57,498
Philadelphia 652,300 74%482,702 48%313,104
Phoenix 507,800 59%299,602 32%162,496
Richmond 122,100 64%78,144 40%48,840
Riverside 453,700 71%322,127 44%199,628
Rochester 137,400 73%100,302 46%63,204
San Antonio 260,800 62%161,696 35%91,280
San Francisco 326,600 51%166,566 32%104,512
San Jose 121,500 54%65,610 32%38,880
Seattle 290,000 50%145,000 28%81,200
Tampa 377,900 61%230,519 36%136,044
Washington, DC 399,200 60%239,520 36%143,712
National 38,551,000 67% 25,776,144 40% 15,383,432
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B3.3. Total Black households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total Black households with a high energy burden (≥6%)
and total Black households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total Black
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened Black
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened Black
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 789,500 36%284,220 21%165,795
Baltimore 324,100 34%110,194 20%64,820
Birmingham 137,000 47%64,390 30%41,100
Boston 157,900 32%50,528 16%25,264
Chicago 682,800 37%252,636 21%143,388
Dallas 466,000 25%116,500 14%65,240
Detroit 427,900 43%183,997 23%98,417
Houston 482,400 29%139,896 15%72,360
Las Vegas 112,600 26%29,276 18%20,268
Los Angeles 372,200 27%100,494 15%55,830
Miami 459,500 29%133,255 18%82,710
Minneapolis 113,000 15%16,950 7%7,910
New York City 1,459,600 32%467,072 21%306,516
Oklahoma City 61,000 32%19,520 17%10,370
Philadelphia 542,900 39%211,731 25%135,725
Phoenix 107,200 26%27,872 15%16,080
Richmond 153,500 28%42,980 15%23,025
Riverside 129,300 30%38,790 17%21,981
Rochester 48,000 44%21,120 29%13,920
San Antonio 61,500 20%12,300 11%6,765
San Francisco 157,900 24%37,896 15%23,685
San Jose 20,600 14%2,884 11%2,266
Seattle 94,100 14%13,174 6%5,646
Tampa 144,500 28%40,460 18%26,010
Washington, DC 631,200 21%132,552 10%63,120
National 16,552,000 36% 5,995,213 21% 3,469,788
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B3.4. Total Hispanic households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total Hispanic households with a high energy burden
(≥6%) and total Hispanic households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total Hispanic
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
Hispanic
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
Hispanic
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 168,100 35%58,835 14%23,534
Baltimore 42,800 21%8,988 8%3,424
Birmingham 14,400 40%5,760 18%2,592
Boston 184,900 30%55,470 17%31,433
Chicago 561,600 19%106,704 9%50,544
Dallas 592,600 25%148,150 10%59,260
Detroit 55,200 38%20,976 15%8,280
Houston 706,000 25%176,500 11%77,660
Las Vegas 186,600 18%33,588 10%18,660
Los Angeles 1,589,200 20%317,840 10%158,920
Miami 884,800 24%212,352 12%106,176
Minneapolis 60,500 16%9,680 10%6,050
New York City 1,544,500 33%509,685 19%293,455
Oklahoma City 52,300 29%15,167 16%8,368
Philadelphia 154,100 45%69,345 24%36,984
Phoenix 378,300 25%94,575 11%41,613
Richmond 25,100 24%6,024 11%2,761
Riverside 579,000 31%179,490 15%86,850
Rochester 25,500 44%11,220 26%6,630
San Antonio 400,900 27%108,243 14%56,126
San Francisco 284,300 12%34,116 8%22,744
San Jose 139,200 13%18,096 7%9,744
Seattle 109,600 15%16,440 7%7,672
Tampa 188,300 27%50,841 16%30,128
Washington, DC 252,700 19%48,013 6%15,162
National 16,496,000 28% 4,572,335 14% 2,250,966
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B3.5. Total older adult (65+) households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total older adult (65+) households with a high
energy burden (≥6%) and total older adult (65+) households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total older
adult (65+)
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly
burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
older adult
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
older adult
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 490,700 44%215,908 24%117,768
Baltimore 107,700 34%36,618 18%19,386
Birmingham 127,800 48%61,344 27%34,506
Boston 516,400 38%196,232 22%113,608
Chicago 976,800 31%302,808 16%156,288
Dallas 540,500 29%156,745 17%91,885
Detroit 493,400 41%202,294 22%108,548
Houston 503,200 34%171,088 20%100,640
Las Vegas 204,400 26%53,144 15%30,660
Los Angeles 1,184,600 26%307,996 14%165,844
Miami 712,800 35%249,480 20%142,560
Minneapolis 339,300 22%74,646 10%33,930
New York City 2,162,800 39%843,492 26%562,328
Oklahoma City 123,800 35%43,330 17%21,046
Philadelphia 674,400 37%249,528 21%141,624
Phoenix 502,700 30%150,810 14%70,378
Richmond 131,100 29%38,019 15%19,665
Riverside 368,300 42%154,686 24%88,392
Rochester 133,600 39%52,104 20%26,720
San Antonio 188,100 35%65,835 18%33,858
San Francisco 498,900 18%89,802 10%49,890
San Jose 171,000 20%34,200 11%18,810
Seattle 361,100 19%68,609 9%32,499
Tampa 402,500 30%120,750 14%56,350
Washington, DC 546,800 25%136,700 14%76,552
National 34,929,000 36% 12,487,949 19% 6,701,933
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B3.6. Total renting households in each MSA, and each MSA’s total renting households with a high energy burden
(≥6%) and total renting households with severe energy burden (≥10%)
Metro area
Total renting
households in
MSA
Percentage
highly burdened
(≥6%)
Total highly
burdened
renting
households
(≥6%)
Percentage
severely
burdened
(≥10%)
Total severely
burdened
renting
households
(≥10%)
Atlanta 794,400 31%246,264 16%127,104
Baltimore 369,100 30%110,730 16%59,056
Birmingham 141,700 47%66,599 28%39,676
Boston 715,000 28%200,200 15%107,250
Chicago 1,238,200 26%321,932 14%173,348
Dallas 1,060,200 20%212,040 10%106,020
Detroit 527,300 40%210,920 21%110,733
Houston 896,000 27%241,920 14%125,440
Las Vegas 400,900 21%84,189 12%48,108
Los Angeles 2,280,900 21%478,989 11%250,899
Miami 853,900 27%230,553 15%128,085
Minneapolis 407,700 14%57,078 7%28,539
New York City 3,643,800 29%1,056,702 19%692,322
Oklahoma City 169,200 30%50,760 15%25,380
Philadelphia 614,800 35%215,180 19%116,812
Phoenix 593,300 21%124,593 10%59,330
Richmond 174,500 23%40,135 13%22,685
Riverside 479,300 33%158,169 16%76,688
Rochester 144,300 36%51,948 20%28,860
San Antonio 305,300 22%67,166 11%33,583
San Francisco 375,100 13%48,763 8%30,008
San Jose 272,200 12%32,664 7%19,054
Seattle 613,600 13%79,768 7%42,952
Tampa 418,000 23%96,140 13%54,340
Washington, DC 801,800 17%136,306 8%64,144
National 43,993,000 30%13,218,332 17%7,290,945
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APPENDIX C.
City- and State-Led Actions to
Address High Energy Burdens
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C1. City-led actions to reduce high energy burdens
Metro area Strategy/action
Year
enacted Description Data source
Atlanta
Plan with energy
burden strategy 2017
The Clean Energy plan includes energy burden as
a key strategy for achieving the city’s clean energy
future.
City of
Atlanta 2019
Plan with energy
burden goal 2017 The Resilience Strategy includes action to lift energy
burden on 10% of Atlanta households.
City of
Atlanta 2017
Cincinnati
Plan with energy
burden goal 2018
The Green Cincinnati Plan set a goal to reduce
household energy burdened by 10% compared to
current levels.
City of
Cincinnati
2018
City-led
program to
reduce energy
burdens
2020
The city partnered with Duke Energy Ohio to
address the high energy burdens by launching
a low-income multifamily energy efficiency pilot
program called Warm Up Cincy.
City of
Cincinnati
2020
Houston Plan with energy
burden strategy 2018
The Climate Action Plan includes a goal to promote
weatherization programs to reduce residential
energy consumption and focus on reducing energy
burdens of low-income populations.
City of
Houston
2020
Minneapolis
Plan with energy
burden goal 2013
The Climate Action Plan states that the city will
prioritize neighborhoods with high energy burdens
for strategy implementation.City of
Minneapolis
2013
Equity indicator 2013
Climate Action Plan reporting should also include
equity indicators to measure whether energy burden
reductions are equitable.
New Orleans Plan with energy
burden goal 2017
The Climate Action Plan includes two strategies
to reduce the high energy burdens of the city’s
residents.
City of New
Orleans
2017
Oakland Equity indicator 2018
Oakland includes energy cost burden as a metric in
its 2018 Equity Indicators report.
City of
Oakland
2018
Philadelphia Plan with energy
burden goal 2018 The Clean Energy Vision Plan set a goal to eliminate
the energy burden for 33% of Philadelphians.
City of
Philadelphia
2018
Pittsburgh
City-led
program to
reduce energy
burdens
2019
As part of the Bloomberg Mayor’s Challenge, the
city created Switch PGH to address high burdens
through a civic engagement tool.
City of
Pittsburgh
2019
Saint Paul Plan with energy
burden goal 2017
The city set a goal to reduce resident energy burden
within 10 years so that no household spends more
than 4% of its income on energy bills.
City of Saint
Paul 2017
See Appendix for data sources
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C2. State-led actions to reduce high energy burden
State Strategy/action
Year
enacted Description Data source
Colorado
Demonstration
project/pilot
program
2018
The Energy Office awarded GRID Alternatives
a $1.2 million grant to launch a project to
reduce the energy burden of 300 low-income
households through renewable energy and
energy efficiency investments.
Cook and
Shah 2018
New Jersey State legislation 2020
The NJ Clean Energy Equity Act (S. 2484) aims
to use solar, storage, and energy efficiency to
bring low-income households and environmental
justice communities within or below the state’s
average energy burden.
New Jersey
Legislature
2020
New York Governor-led
executive order 2016
Governor Andrew M. Cuomo issued the Energy
Affordability policy to work toward a goal of
no New Yorker spending more than 6% of their
household income on energy.
New York
2016
Oregon Governor-led
executive order 2018
In response to Governor Kate Brown’s Executive
Order 17-20, the Oregon Department of Energy,
the Oregon Public Utility Commission, and
the Oregon Housing and Community Services
Department conducted an assessment and
created a 10-year plan to reduce energy burdens
in Oregon affordable housing.
OR DOE, OR
PUC, and
OHCS 2018
Pennsylvania
Public Utility
Commission
study
2019
The Pennsylvania PUC released a report that
assessed home energy affordability for low-
income customers in the state.
Pennsylvania
Public Utility
Commission
2019
Public Utility
Commission
policy
2020
The Pennsylvania PUC set a new policy to direct
utilities to ensure that low-income customers
spend no more than 10% (6% for lowest-income
customers) of their income on energy bills.
Pennsylvania
Public Utility
Commission
2019
Washington Governor-led
executive order 2019
As part of Governor Jay Inslee’s Clean Energy
Transformation Act, the Washington Department
of Commerce assessed the energy burdens
for low-income households and the energy
assistance offered by electric utilities.
Washington
State
Department
of Commerce
2020
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APPENDIX D.
Low-Income Energy Efficiency
Program Best Practices
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This section contains short descriptions of some best
practices for low-income energy efficiency programs:
coordination, collaboration, and segmentation; funding
and financing; effective measures and targeting;
evaluation and quality control; and coordination of
energy efficiency and renewable energy investments.
Coordination, collaboration, and segmentation
Community engagement and participatory planning
can ensure that programs are designed to meet
community needs and build trust. By involving the
community in the planning process, energy efficiency
programs create outcomes that best meet community
needs, leverage community networks to achieve higher
program participation, and improve visibility and support
within the community for program implementers (e.g., a
utility or local government). Participatory planning requires
effort from program planners, who can follow a set of best
practices for optimal success.21 For example, Professor
Tony Reames conducted a community engagement study
of Kansas City, Missouri, to understand barriers that low-
income households face in participating in weatherization.
This stakeholder engagement led to the development of
innovative strategies to overcome barriers, such as hiring
an all-African American staff to help build trust within the
local community.22
Statewide coordination models enable consistent
low-income program delivery across utilities, WAP
implementers, and local jurisdictions. Some states have
one implementer for the state’s low-income programs
who ensures that similar program offerings are available
to all customers in the state. States such as California,
New Jersey, New York, Colorado, and Massachusetts
offer statewide low-income program models that aim to
coordinate resources from multiple sources through a
single program. For example, California’s Energy Saving
Assistance Program is offered by all regulated investor-
owned utilities across the state. Massachusetts is served
by the Low-Income Energy Affordability Network (LEAN),
which includes community action agencies, public and
private housing owners, government organizations, and
public utilities that all work together to provide low-
income efficiency solutions in the state.
One-stop-shop program models minimize barriers
and allow low-income households to access all
available resources in one place. The models provide
a single point of contact, universal intake applications,
comprehensive technical assistance, and streamlined
access to program resources.23 One-stop-shop models
should be replicated in various locations and combine
each location’s available offerings. Through its Energize
Delaware program model, for example, the nonprofit
Delaware Sustainable Energy Utility (DESEU) offers a
one-stop-shop resource that focuses on a whole-building
approach and consolidates available resources directed
at both low-income customers and owners of affordable
multifamily buildings.
Market segmentation designs programs to meet
the specific needs of subsets of highly burdened
households, such as people living in affordable
multifamily buildings or manufactured housing. Low-
income customers are a diverse segment with diverse
energy needs. By segmenting customers by key
demographic categories, program designers can then
work to identify a specific customer segment’s energy
usage characteristics and program needs. This can
lead to more impactful outreach, relationship building,
program design, and results. For instance, Eversource
partnered with Oracle Utilities–Opower to develop a first-
of-kind approach to digitally characterizing and targeting
customers that require assistance. This analytical
approach can guide utilities in creating programs that are
specific to a resident subset or area.24
Fuel-neutral programs allow energy efficiency
measures to be completed simultaneously in a home
regardless of the electric and/or natural gas utilities that
service it. This is critical for addressing the high costs
associated with delivered fuels (oil, propane) and for
coordinating across electric and natural gas utilities.
For example, New York’s Clean Energy Fund, designed
to deliver on the state’s Reforming the Energy Vision
(REV) commitments, implements energy efficiency
initiatives on a fuel-neutral basis. By taking a fuel-
neutral approach, New York State can increase energy
efficiency at the lowest cost, enable greater greenhouse
gas reductions, and stimulate local economic
development.25
21 Calvert, K., I. McVey, and A. Kantamneni. 2017. “Placing the ‘Community’ in Community Energy Planning. Prepared for Guelph’s Community Energy Initiative Task Force by the Community Energy Knowledge-Action Partnership. DOI: 10.13140/RG.2.2.22817.30562. www.researchgate.net/publication/319141113_Placing_the_’Community’_in_Community_Energy_Planning.
22 Reames, T. 2016. “A Community-Based Approach to Low-Income Residential Energy Efficiency Participation Barriers.” The International Journal of Justice and Sustainability Vol 21. www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13549839.2015.1136995.
23 Energy Efficiency for All, One-Stop Shops for the Multifamily Sector. assets.ctfassets.net/ntcn17ss1ow9/30B8LUDt8GTegjPE8clalF/8c5e68405c9692afb9f11fe898b8653e/EEFA_OneStopShop_Fact_
Sheet__2_.pdf.
24 Lin, J., K.M. Rodgers, S. Kabaca, M. Frades, and D. Ware. 2020. “Energy Affordability in Practice: Oracle Utilities Opower’s Business Intelligence to Meet Low and Moderate Income Need at Eversource.“ The
Electricity Journal. 33 (9): 1–11. doi.org/10.1016/j.tej.2019.106687.
25 NYSERDA. Reforming the Energy Vision: Clean Energy Fund, Frequently Asked Questions. www.nyserda.ny.gov/-/media/Files/About/Clean-Energy-Fund/clean-energy-fund-qa.pdf.
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26 For more information on inclusive financing options, see SEE Action, 2017. Energy Efficiency Financing for Low- and Moderate Income Households: Current State of the Market, Issues, and Opportunities. emp.lbl.gov/sites/default/files/news/lmi-final0811.pdf.
27 See ACEEE’s 2018 report, Our Powers Combined: Energy Efficiency and Solar in Affordable Multifamily Buildings. aceee.org/research-report/u1804.
28 buildhealthchallenge.org/communities/awardee-bronx-nyc/.
29 Gilleo, A., S. Nowak, and A. Drehobl. 2017. Making a Difference: Strategies for Successful Low-Income Energy Efficiency Programs. Washington, DC: ACEEE. aceee.org/sites/default/files/publications/researchreports/u1713.pdf.
Funding and financing
Leveraging diverse funding sources allows programs
to address health and safety issues and include greater
investment and available measures. Funding for low-
income energy efficiency programs often comes
from electric and natural gas utility ratepayer dollars,
federal WAP and LIHEAP funds, state and local funds,
nonprofit resources, and other private funding sources.
Leveraging funding from various sources can give
program implementers greater flexibility, as some federal
and utility funding sources limit the types of measures
they fund. Leveraging diverse funding sources can lead
to a more comprehensive program outcome that has
the flexibility to address health and safety issues and
incorporate more complex sets of energy efficiency
investments.
Inclusive financing models, such as no-interest
loans, loan guarantees, and the elimination of credit
requirements, are designed to help low-income
households overcome up-front cost barriers to accessing
traditional private financing options. Inclusive financing
options include Pay As You Save (PAYS) programs and
on-bill tariff models, which allow low-income households
to install energy efficiency investments that are paid off
over time on the customer’s bill.26 In the low-income
multifamily sector, limiting or eliminating up-front costs
to building owners can help them undertake more
substantial energy efficiency projects and overcome
barriers related to the competition for scarce funding
for capital projects. Low-interest financing and on-bill
repayment can help owners spread out their energy
efficiency project costs over time.
Align utility and housing finance programs to
encourage energy efficiency upgrades in low-income
multifamily buildings. Incorporating utility-customer
funding in the current climate of affordable housing
refinance and redevelopment can yield deeper, more
comprehensive energy efficiency improvements. These
extensive renovations may involve replacing outdated
building systems, and utility-customer funds can be used
to help cover the incremental cost of installing more-
efficient equipment than would otherwise be required.
For example, the Connecticut Green Bank coordinates
closely with the state’s energy efficiency initiatives led by
the state agencies and local utilities to align incentives
for affordable financing for both energy efficiency
upgrades and rooftop solar installations. The Connecticut
Green Bank’s financing opportunities complement the
available funding for energy efficiency upgrades from
the Connecticut Housing Finance Authority and the
Connecticut Department of Housing.27
Effective measures, messaging, and targeting
Include health and safety measures and healthier
building materials to reduce deferral rates and
improve indoor air quality, comfort, and long-term
health outcomes for program participants. Programs
often address health and safety concerns through
leveraged funds. However, rather than disqualifying
households due to building health and safety issues such
as structural problems, mold, or asbestos, utilities and
program implementers can combine funding streams
to provide health and safety services. For example,
the Bronx Healthy Buildings Program aims to reduce
asthma-related hospital visits and address the social
determinants of health through education, organizing,
workforce development, and building upgrades. Energy
audits, building inspections, and tenant organizing aim
to identify needed repairs and opportunities for energy
efficiency improvements.28
Prioritize deep energy-saving measures through a
single program and/or engagement to achieve high
levels of energy savings. Using trusted contractor
networks to deliver programs that include savings-based
incentives lets contractors focus on deep savings rather
than limiting projects to simple direct-install measures.
For example, Oncor’s Targeted Weatherization Low-
Income program first prioritizes deep energy-saving
measures such as building-shell weatherization and air
sealing, and then focuses on additional measures such as
air-conditioning, refrigeration, and lighting.29
Integrate direct-installation and rebate programs
to encourage more extensive improvements. For low-
income single and multifamily projects, direct-installation
programs that offer no-cost energy efficiency measures
can provide an opportunity to connect with building
owners, complete an on-site energy assessment, and
encourage owners to take advantage of rebates for
more extensive improvements such as HVAC upgrades,
weatherization, common-area lighting retrofits, and other
building-shell improvements.
Targeting high energy users and vulnerable
households to generate the greatest energy savings and
impact. By using utility data to identify households with
the highest energy use, energy efficiency providers can
achieve the greatest energy savings. Even so, energy use
should be looked at in combination with other factors
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
that lead to household energy vulnerability. Although
high energy use can lead to high savings, households
with lower energy use can still experience high energy
burdens. Efficiency Vermont, for example, changed
its program qualification to focus on low-income
households with high energy burden rather than low-
income households with high energy use. This let the
program qualify more customers and target needs to the
most vulnerable households.30
Incorporate new and emerging technologies in low-
income programs. Expanding the technology scope of
low-income energy efficiency programs to technologies
they do not traditionally incorporate—such as solar PV,
smart meters, energy storage, and electric vehicles—
can significantly improve energy affordability and
equitable access to these technologies for low-income
households.31 Unless we ensure that new technologies
are available to low-income and underinvested
communities, inequities in access to these technologies
will continue to grow. Programs that incorporate these
emerging technologies can address access barriers for
low-income communities and ensure more equitable
distribution of their benefits.
Effectively message programs in ways that provide
clear value and actionable guidance. Effective
messaging helps achieve high program participation
and builds trust and understanding of program benefits.
Investing in energy efficiency often takes time and
resources for both single and multifamily building
owners. Although programs typically focus on energy
savings and energy cost reductions benefits, programs
must also market the many nonenergy benefits that
result from energy efficiency improvements. Further, they
should include actionable guidance—that is, clear steps
that residents and building owners can take to learn
more about program services and enroll in the program.
Evaluation and quality control
Collect and share metrics on program outcomes, equity
impacts, and other tracked data to hold implementers
accountable to program requirements and goals. These
metrics can include factors such as race and/or ethnicity,
income status, property ownership, energy burden,
and energy vulnerability. Often, program implementers
publish demand-side management reports that include
metrics on low-income program savings, spending, and
customers served. Implementers can report additional
equity factors such as energy burden data, demographic
data, and participation distribution. For example, VEIC
published the State of Equity Measurement: A Review
of Practices in the Clean Energy Industry, a guide
that offers an overview of energy industry metrics for
measuring program equity.32 These include metrics to
define target populations, determine disparate impacts,
and include representative voices in program design,
implementation, evaluation, and oversight.
Conduct robust research and evaluation to assess
achieved reductions in energy usage. Such evaluations
help document and clarify program performance. Impact
evaluations measure the direct and indirect benefits from
programs, while process evaluations provide systematic
assessments of how programs operate. By completing
robust evaluations, program planners can determine
how to best improve their programs for greater impact
and efficiency, and better meet the needs of the target
community.
Include quality control as a core element of the
services to ensure that energy efficiency services are
effective, and homes are left in a safe condition. Many
program implementers incorporate ongoing training
for contractors and quality control professionals,
viewing this as critical to program success and
devoting project funding to regular trainings. Some
program administrators also include strict quality
control requirements for all projects rather than for
a sample, which helps incentivize contractors to
perform high-quality work. For example, Ouachita
Electric Cooperative’s HELP PAY program, a tariff-
based residential energy efficiency financing program,
evaluates every project after completion and facilitates
trainings for its contractors in quality control techniques
to ensure that all contractors understand the assessment
methodologies.33
Incorporate nonenergy benefits into testing. Without
monetizing nonenergy benefits, utility-operated low-
income energy efficiency programs cost more to
implement per household—and are less cost effective
by traditional measures—than utility-operated energy
efficiency programs serving higher income groups.
However, low-income energy programs deliver benefits
beyond energy savings to low-income households
that are not typically incorporated into traditional cost-
effectiveness testing methods. The National Standard
Practice Manual discusses how low-income program
benefits can be considered at the societal level.34
States can decide to adjust cost-effectiveness tests for
30 Efficiency Vermont. 2020. Targeted Communities Program Update. www.efficiencyvermont.com/trade-partners/targeted-communities-program-update.
31 Brown, M., A. Soni, M. Lapsa, and K. Southworth. 2020. Low-Income Energy Affordability: Conclusions from a Literature Review. ORNL/TM-2019/1150. info.ornl.gov/sites/publications/Files/Pub124723.pdf.
32 Levin, E., E. Palchak, and R. Stephenson. 2019. The State of Equity Measurement: A Review of Practices in the Clean Energy Industry. Winooski, VT: VEIC. www.veic.org/Media/default/documents/resources/reports/equity_measurement_clean_energy_industry.pdf.
33 Gilleo, A., S. Nowak, and A. Drehobl. 2017. Making a Difference: Strategies for Successful Low-Income Energy Efficiency Programs. Washington, DC: ACEEE. aceee.org/sites/default/files/publications/researchreports/u1713.pdf.
34 National Efficiency Screening Project. 2017. National Standard Practice Manual. nationalefficiencyscreening.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/NSPM_May-2017_final.pdf. Page 58: Societal Low-Income Impacts.
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HOW HIGH ARE HOUSEHOLD ENERGY BURDENS?
35 EDF (Environmental Defense Fund) and APPRISE (Applied Public Policy Research Institute for Study and Evaluation). 2018. Low-Income Energy Efficiency. New York. www.edf.org/sites/default/files/documents/liee_national_summary.pdf.
low-income programs to incorporate these additional
benefits. For example, Vermont uses the societal cost
test as its primary test and incorporates a 15% adder for
nonenergy benefits for low-income customers in its cost-
effectiveness screening tool. Similarly, Colorado uses
the total resource cost test and includes a 50% adder to
account for the benefits from low-income programs.
Renewables and workforce
Integrate energy efficiency and solar program offerings
to maximize participant benefits. To do this, combined
renewable and energy efficiency programs should first
invest in energy efficiency to reduce the home’s overall
energy needs, and then invest in renewable energy
so that individual households can install the right size
solar system or many households can access community
solar options. For example, the Connecticut Green Bank
collaborates with PosiGen, a private company, to deliver
both solar and energy efficiency to low-income customers.
The Green Bank helps PosiGen generate capital to
provide 20-year solar leases combined with energy
efficiency upgrades to program participants, leading to
the most cost-effective investment.35
Support the development of a diverse and strong
energy efficiency workforce that represents the local
community. Ensure that training opportunities are
linked to high-quality, well-paid, and stable careers
in the energy efficiency and clean energy workforce
sector. States and local governments, utilities, and
other program implementers can focus on diversifying
suppliers, increasing the worker pipeline by offering
training for both contracting firms and students, and
partnering with skills-training providers and state
agencies—all while working to overcome barriers
faced by historically excluded community members.
Implementers can also co-deliver training for energy
efficiency and renewable energy technologies. For
example, the Chicago-based nonprofit Elevate Energy
coordinates a Clean Energy Jobs Accelerator that trains
individuals from economically excluded communities for
careers in solar and energy efficiency.
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529 14th Street NW, Suite 600, Washington, DC 20045
(202) 507-4000 I @ACEEEDC I @myACEEE I aceee.org
Page 168 of 327
529 14th Street NW, Suite 600, Washington, DC 20045
(202) 507-4000 I @ACEEEDC I @myACEEE I aceee.org REPORT U2006Page 169 of 327
APEX ANALYTICS Page | 1
To: Brian Tholl, City of Fort Collins Utilities
From: Noah Lieb, Jon Koliner , Christina Carlson Apex Analytics
Subject: Updated assessment of the Income Qualified Assistance Program
Date: September 2 , 20 2 2
This memo details the research and findings from an update to a statistical billing analysis
for the City of Fort Collins Income Qualified Assistance program (IQAP).
Background
When Fort Collins Utilities launched its time of day (TOD) rates in October 2018, it also
introduced an Income Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP) to ensure its rate structure
remained equitable. The IQAP provides a 23 percent reduction on electric and water bills for
Utilities customers who qualify for Colorado’s Low-income Energy Assistance Program
(LEAP) through Energy Outreach Colorado. The IQAP program was originally (starting in
2019) offered to Fort Collins utility customers who have received LEAP du ring the previous
or current season, with offers for customers to opt-in to the reduced rate. Starting in the fall
2020 enrollment period, Fort Collins redesigned the delivery of the IQAP rate offering
program to be exclusively opt-out, ensuring any income-qualified customer was
automatically enrolled in the reduced rate.
As part of the eligibility for receiving the IQAP rates, Utilities has an educational and
engagement requirement for customers to participate in conservation activities.1 The
potential for increased engagement with qualified customers, who have traditionally been
underrepresented in efficiency programs, and the resulting opportunity to reduce energy
use and achieve non-energy benefits was an important motivator for Utilities to offer the
rate discount.
To help support ongoing program efforts and document potential energy impacts of the
IQAP program, Utilities had engaged (in 2019) Apex to conduct a statistical analysis of bill
impacts to IQAP participants. Apex found IQAP participants had increased their household
electricity usage after receiving the reduced IQAP rates. With the change to program design
and several years since the original IQAP participants received their reduced rates, Utilities
sought to revisit the billing analysis with two primary objectives:
Opt-out versus opt-in: Determine whether new opt-out income qualified households
have realized electric energy consumption changes as a result of their IQAP
participation, and if there was any statistically significant difference in energy
consumption changes resulting from the opt-out relative to the original opt-in group.
Impact Persistence: Determine the persistence in energy consumption changes
attributable to the original opt-in cohort included in the previous billing analysis.
1 IQAP participants receive “Utilities Insights”, a monthly newsletter with tips to save energy and water to lower
utility bills and are occasionally contacted directly regarding efficiency programs. There is no requirement for IQAP
participants to attend workshops or participate in other conservation programs .
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APEX ANALYTICS Page | 2
Methodology
Apex conducted a statistical billing analysis to assess electric energy consumption changes
as a result of IQAP participation but ran two separate models for each group (original opt-in
and new opt-out group). To explain differences in monthly consumption, we modeled
monthly energy consumption as a function of participation status (participant versus non-
participant comparison households), time period (whether the period was pre- or post-IQAP
rate introduction) and weather (monthly heating and cooling degree days). Apex developed
two energy estimates: one for the actual year and one weather normalized to account for
longer-range climate conditions.
Utilities provided data on households participating in IQAP. The analysis included 538 homes
that received the IQAP rates as original IQAP opt-in program participants between October
and December 2018 and remained as active status in the IQAP dataset.2 The second group
included 450 IQAP participants that were part of the new IQAP opt-out group, and all
received the new IQAP rate in September 2021. Apex matched the original opt-in IQAP
participant households to LEAP-qualified homes that did not participate in IQAP using a
ranked comparison of households based on the pre-installation period consumption (usage
between October 2017 and September 2018) to create a comparison group.3 For the new
opt-out group, Apex matched the IQAP participants using the same logic but opened to the
entire residential customer database (exclusive of former IQAP participants). Statistical
testing showed that both comparison groups’ pre-participation energy consumption closely
matched – and was therefore roughly equivalent – to each of the participant groups usage.4
Key Findings
This section addresses findings related to each of the primary research questions.
Post IQAP rate impacts to opt-out group: Determine whether new auto-enroll opt-out
income qualified households have realized electric energy consumption changes as a
result of their IQAP participation and whether there was any statistically significant
difference in energy consumption changes resulting from the opt-out relative to the
original opt-in group.
The updated opt-out analysis group had a similar number of total available households as
the original opt-in group but had lower attrition from data merging and outlier analysis,
losing only 12% of premises relative to the original 18% of premises. The updated opt-out
group also had marginally higher annual mean load, at 7,548, relative to the opt-in use of
2 There were an additional 167 participants that were inactive, having received the rate for a short duration of time
and were removed from the program due to closing of accounts among other reasons.
3 Specifically, Apex identified the most equivalent non -participant comparison household match based on
Euclidean distance (i.e., the lowest absolute difference in monthly usage compared to the participants).
4 Apex modeled a period to quantify the “drift” of each comparison group relative to the participant homes electric
usage. Using 2017 as a baseline matching period, we then examined the 2018 electric usage before IQAP
participation to quantify the “drift” of the average comparison group versus participant group usage. The LEAP
comparison group showed the lowest “drift”, with electric usage remaining almost perfectly aligned with th e
participant homes between January and September 2018.
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APEX ANALYTICS Page | 3
7,408. A summary of the original opt-in and opt-out groups analysis are compared in Table
1 below.
Table 1. Active IQAP Participant Data Summary
Analysis
Group Group IQAP Start
Date
Household
Count
Basis
Household
Count
Final
Analysis
Attrition Mean Annual
Load
Opt-in Participant 10/1/2018 538 442 18% 7,408 kWh Comparison N/A 538 442
Opt-out Participant 9/1/2021 450 396 12% 7,548 kWh Comparison N/A 450 396
Like the original opt-in group, the opt-out analysis group's energy consumption increased
after they received the IQAP rate reduction, but to a lesser degree. The new opt-out group
experienced a 2.9% increase in annual use versus 5.1% from the original opt-in group. Both
analyses were, individually, statistically significant with strong explanatory power. However,
with overlapping confidence intervals, we cannot reject the hypothesis that the values are
the same. The analysis would require approximately double the participation rates in order
to narrow the confidence intervals sufficiently to validate the difference between the two
group point estimates.
Table 2. Mean Annual IQAP Billing Analysis Results
Model
Change in
Mean
Study
Period
Household
Usage
Weather
Normal
Household
Usage
Change
Mean
Annual
Load
Change
as % of
Annual
Load
Explanatory
Power (R2)
90 %
Confidence
Interval
Statistically
Significant
Opt-in +363 kWh +380
kWh
7,408
kWh
+5.1% 0.76 +/- 155
kWh
Yes
Opt-out +220 kWh +220
kWh
7,548
kWh
+2.9% 0.75 +/- 145
kWh
Yes
Persistence in post-IQAP Rate changes to consumption: Determine the persistence in
energy consumption changes attributable to the original opt -in cohort included in the
previous billing analysis.
The original opt-in IQAP participants showed sustained increased usage during the first two
years after receiving the reduced IQAP rate. Yet, over the following two-year period the opt-
in participants use eventually reverted back to “normal” and was not statistically different
than the non-participant comparison group. A summary of the annual difference in use
between pre-and-post IQAP rate between the participant and non-participant comparison
group is shown in Table 3 below.
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APEX ANALYTICS Page | 4
Table 3. Original opt-in IQAP Persistence in Use
Post Year
Percent
Increase in Use
Annual Pre-
IQAP rate kWh
IQAP Participant
Increased Use
Statistically
Significant
Difference
1 5.4% 6,759 363 Yes
2 5.2% 6,759 351 Yes
3 1.2% 6,759 78 No
4 -0.3% 6,759 -21 No
Viewing the same data but graphically demonstrates the year over year changes to usage
relative to the pre-IQAP rate and the resulting percent change between groups (displayed as
the purple difference-in-difference5 – “DiD” in Figure 1 below). The most notable shift after
the initial post year use (“post year 1”) occurs between year two and year three –
coincident with COVID. We see there is a shift in use for the non-participant group from
negative 3% to positive 1% - and this explains the majority of decrease in the DiD. Stated
more succinctly, non-participant increased use in year three was primarily responsible for
drop in the IQAP impacts (displayed as the purple DiD line).
Figure 1. Annual Percent Change from Pre-IQAP Rate offering and percent change between
IQAP Participant and Non-Participant Groups
An examination of the monthly difference in use between the IQAP participants and non -
participant comparison group demonstrates the evolution of impacts over t ime (Figure 2).
IQAP participants displayed a steadily increasing average usage relative to non-participants
immediately following the new reduced rates. Unfortunately, the timing of COVID appears to
have confounded the influence of the drop in the IQAP participant usage where a statistical
model could not distinguish between natural reversion to equivalent use and COVID -induced
5 The DiD curve reflects the difference in percent change in use between the IQAP participant and non -participant,
e.g., in post year 1, the +4.7% increase for IQAP parts plus the negative 0.7% decrease to non-parts equals the 5.4%
DiD result.
96%
97%
98%
99%
100%
101%
102%
103%
104%
105%
106%
-4%
-3%
-2%
-1%
0%
1%
2%
3%
4%
5%
6%
Post Year 1 Post Year 2 Post Year 3 Post Year 4
Percent Change between GroupsPercent Change from Pre PeriodNon-Part IQAP Part DiD
Page 173 of 327
APEX ANALYTICS Page | 5
changes. It is likely, though not certain, that COVID magnified the degradation of IQAP rate
impacts.
Figure 2. Average Monthly kWh Difference between IQAP Participants and Non-Participants
Conclusions
The new opt-out design of the IQAP rate program showed that households still tend to
increase their energy consumption after receiving the discounted rate , yet at a lower degree
than the original opt-in group. Though point estimates were almost 50% different between
the original opt-in and new opt-out group, the analysis would require almost double the
participants in order to conclude that the change in use were statistically different between
groups. Consistent with the prior analysis, our findings suggest that this increase in energy
consumption reflects households that are no longer as concerned about paying their energy
bills choosing to keep their homes at a more comfortable temperature. Yet, with the new
opt-out design, IQAP participants may not be as aware, conscious about the rate change, or
might be less sensitive to their bills as the prior opt-in group. Additional customer feedback
research would be required to help support these theories.
The analysis of the persistence of IQAP-based changes to consumption showed IQAP
participants usage matched non-participant group usage by the third year, with no
discernable difference in use by year four. Unfortunately, COVID’s impacts on both groups
usage in the post period prevents us from concluding the reversion in usage was influenced
more by COVID or if IQAP participants were no longer increasing their use with lower bills.
Evidence suggests the change may have been influenced more by the non-participant
groups increased usage, though we don’t know what drove this other than suspecting
COVID.
(20)
(10)
-
10
20
30
40
50
60
Dec-16Apr-17Aug-17Dec-17Apr-18Aug-18Dec-18Apr-19Aug-19Dec-19Mar-20 Jul-20 Nov-20Mar-21 Jul-21 Nov-21Mar-22 Jul-22 Nov-22
IQAP Participant Monthly kWh DifferenceCOVIDIQAP starts
Page 174 of 327
10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 1/8
Businessweek
+ Equality
A ‘Tsunami of Shutoffs’: 20 Million USHomes Are Behind on Energy Bills
Surging electricity prices spur worst-ever crisis in late utility
payments.
About 1 in 6 American households are behind on their utility bills, the highest number on record, according to the
National Energy Assistance Directors Association.Photographer: Michael Nagle/Bloomberg
By Will Wade and Mark Chediak
August 23, 2022 at 4:30 PM MDT Updated on August 23, 2022 at 6:05 PM MDT
Adrienne Nice woke up early on the morning of July 25 to news she’d been dreading. The power
company, Xcel Enery Inc., had shut off the electricity to the small Minneapolis apartment she shares
with her teenage son, just as a heat wave was bearing down on the city.
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10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 2/8
Nice had been struggling financially ever since the pandemic hit, racking up more than $3,000 in past-
due utility bills. The warnings she’d gotten on her monthly statement—“FINAL NOTICE” scrawled in
big, bold letters—had prepared her to some degree, but it was still jarring to find the fridge dark and
the air conditioner silent. With temperatures set to reach 95F (35C) in the coming days, she needed
the power back on, and fast.
The Nice household is one of some 20 million across the country—about 1 in 6 American homes—that
have fallen behind on their utility bills. It is, according to the National Enery Assistance Directors
Association (Neada), the worst crisis the group has ever documented. Underpinning those numbers is
a blistering surge in electricity prices, propelled by the soaring cost of natural gas.
Total US Overdue Utility Balance
Source: National Energy Assistance Directors Association
The power bill crisis is even more acute in Europe, where the spike in natural gas prices has been far
greater in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Policymakers there have sprung into action,
throwing billions of euros in aid at struggling families to help them pay bills. There’s been no
meaningful talk of doing anything on a similar scale in the US, where the hand-wringing has been
dedicated, as always, to the yrations of gasoline prices at the pump.
Utility shutoffs can have deadly consequences, though, a risk that’s becoming more palpable as
summer heat shatters records. Already gut-punched by soaring prices for just about everything, more
and more people are facing a choice among food, housing, and keeping the power on. “I expect a
tsunami of shutoffs,” says Jean Su, a senior attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity, which tracks
utility disconnections across the US.
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10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 3/8
Germany put a levy of $296 on households to pay for natural gas and asked citizens, municipalities, and industrial
consumers to save energy.Photographer: Krisztian Bocsi/Bloomberg
Nice, 45, is a housecleaner. Her work dried up almost overnight when Covid-19 swept through
Minnesota in early 2020. Things are picking up again, but inflation is eating into the money she makes.
Just filling up her old Saturn sedan to drive from house to house now costs about $50 a week.
She found it impossible to set aside enough money for utilities, especially as her power bill effectively
doubled over the past year. A friend who used to live in the apartment along with her two kids moved
out in mid-2021. But though Nice’s household is using less electricity, she’s still getting charged about
the same amount per month—$244, on average. “I just don’t understand how electricity can be so
high,” she says.
Household Electricity Prices
Year-over-year change
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10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 4/8
Source: Consumer price index data compiled by official statistics agencies
California’s PG&E Corp. has seen a more than 40% jump since February 2020 in the number of
residential customers behind on payments. For New Jersey’s Public Service Enterprise Group, the total
is up more than 30% for customers at least 90 days late—and that’s just since March.
The average price consumers pay for electricity surged 15% in July from a year earlier, the biggest 12-
month increase since 2006. Regulation of electricity rates makes it hard for providers to immediately
pass on higher fuel costs, so the recent hikes may be just the start.
The US is waking up to a problem that’s plagued other parts of the world since last year. In Germany,
the government slapped a levy of $296 on households to pay for natural gas as Russia squeezes enery
flows to Europe after the invasion of Ukraine. In the UK, government support for enery bills doubled,
to $482 for every household starting in October, but prices are rising so fast that the support might not
be enough. More than 100,000 people have signed a pledge from campaign group Don’t Pay UK to
cancel their direct-debit enery payments beginning in October.
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10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 5/8
Demonstrators gathered outside the Glasgow headquarters of ScottishPower in August to protest the rise in energy prices
and the cost of living.Photographer: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Alamy
In Japan and Thailand, electricity bills are surging as the countries grapple with expensive fuel costs
that have been made worse by their slumping currencies. Pakistan and Bangladesh, falling short in
the global competition for costly fuel, have suffered from rolling blackouts and increasing power bills.
In the earlier days of the pandemic, some states and utilities halted power disconnections, shielding
customers like Nice who’d fallen on hard times. But those measures wound down just as inflation
gathered steam. US households owe about $16 billion in late enery bills, double the pre-pandemic
total, according to Neada. The average balance owed has climbed 97% since 2019, to $792. “The bills
just aren’t affordable,” says Mark Wolfe, Neada’s executive director. “People on the bottom, they can’t
pay this.”
For investor-owned US utilities, the financial repercussions of accumulating debt from unpaid
customer bills are typically limited. That’s because state regulators often allow utilities to recover their
losses by adding a charge for customers who are paying their bills, or taxpayers help pick up the tab.
Page 179 of 327
10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 6/8
In Nice’s case, her power was out for only three days; the nonprofit Citizens Utility Board of Minnesota
helped her negotiate a payment plan with Xcel. Her experience is common: Utilities shut off
customers only as a last resort, according to Xcel. About 80% of US utility customers who experience a
shutoff will have service restored in a few days, Wolfe says. The remaining 20%, though, may be close
to eviction or on the verge of homelessness.
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Page 180 of 327
10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 7/8
A nonprofit helped Adrienne Nice negotiate a payment plan with Xcel Energy, so her power was shut off for only three
days. Photographer: Ken Wolter/Alamy
While the US government’s Low Income Home Enery Assistance Program, or Liheap, helps low-
income households pay enery bills, it doesn’t come close to the scale of subsidies offered by some
countries in Europe and Asia.
Calls for states and the federal government to offer more assistance are starting to grow. A bipartisan
group of almost 60 US representatives and senators asked in early August for additional emergency
funding beyond the $4 billion set aside for Liheap for fiscal year 2023. California just passed a budget
that will offer $1.4 billion to help residents pay past-due utility bills.
Entery Corp. agreed in July to a moratorium on shutoffs in New Orleans through October, after the
City Council asked the company to voluntarily halt disconnections during the summer heat. But
moratoriums are just a stopgap measure, says Wolfe, who anticipates a surge in disconnections across
the US. “Inflation is hitting people pretty hard,” he says. “Utilities are not set up to deal with the
number of people who can’t pay their bills.”
US Heat-Related Fatalities
Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
Hotter summers are heightening the risk that, for some people, losing power will prove fatal.
According to Indiana University’s Enery Justice Lab, 41 states have some sort of protection against
Page 181 of 327
10/3/22, 3:47 PM Can’t Pay Utility Bills? 20 Million US Homes Behind on Payments, Facing Shutoffs - Bloomberg
https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffs 8/8
utility shutoffs during the winter, whereas only 19 have laws or regulations preventing disconnections
in sweltering weather. On average there were 188 heat-related deaths a year in the US from 2017
through 2021, up from an average of 81 in the five years before that.
Historically, states and regulators have focused on protecting customers during the cold winter
months, but that will need to be reexamined with climate change expected to create longer and more
persistent heat waves, says David Konisky, co-director of the Enery Justice Lab. Rising
temperatures are already boosting demand for electricity and raising utility bills.
Shutoffs after people fall behind on bills “will likely become worse in the coming years and decades,”
he says. “It’s higher prices. It’s heat waves and increasing needs for enery.” —With Ben Holland, Shoko
Oda, Stephen Stapczynski, and Rachel Morison
Read next: Wall Street Says a Recession Is Coming. Consumers Say It's Already Here
(Adds context for electricity-price data in ninth paragraph)
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Page 182 of 327
Low-Income
Household Energy
Burden Varies Among
States — Efficiency
Can Help In All of
Them
Nationally, low-income households1
spend a larger portion of their income
on home energy costs (e.g.,
electricity, natural gas, and other
home heating fuels) than other
households spend. This measure is
often referred to as a household’s
“energy burden.” One recent study
found that low-income households
face an energy burden three times
higher than other households.2
High energy burdens can threaten a
household’s ability to pay for energy,
and force tough choices between
paying energy bills and buying food,
medicine, or other essentials.
But national averages do not tell
the full story. While families facing
a high energy burden live in every
state, there is also significant regional
variation in the energy burdens that
low-income households face. As
seen in the map to the left below,
low-income households (those
making less than 80% of the Area
Median Income) in many Southeast
states face energy burdens of 10%
or higher. Many factors contribute
to high energy burdens, including
a home’s heating fuel and local
weather. Another key factor is high
consumption of electricity.
In the five states with the highest
low-income energy burden—
Mississippi, South Carolina,
Alabama, Georgia, and Arkansas—
low-income households use 36%
more electricity than the low-income
national average. In these states,
electricity is the dominant heating
fuel and high air conditioning demand
also contributes to high consumption.
These factors contribute to the
relatively high total energy burden,
despite households paying lower
prices per kilowatt of electricity, as
shown in the map on the right. While
weather, home age, and home size
can also have an impact on energy
consumption, low-income households
in this region generally consume
more energy and more electricity
than most other regions, even when
controlling for these factors.
One way to address high energy
burdens is by implementing cost-
effective energy efficiency measures
to help reduce consumption of
electricity and other fuels. Efficiency
is a low-cost resource across the
country and can reduce household
energy costs regardless of climate,
heating fuel, or energy price factors
in a state. The map on page 2 presents
analysis from a new study which
found cost-effective efficiency
improvements, such as insulation
and more efficient lighting and
appliances, in low-income households
can reduce electricity consumption by
13% to 31%. These measures reduce
a household’s energy costs, freeing up
money for other vital budget items.
In addition to reducing energy
costs, household energy efficiency
improvements result in multiple
benefits for families.3 For example,
properly insulating a home reduces
heating and cooling costs, but also
improves indoor air quality. This
results in healthier environments and
can decrease sick days and hospital
visits for families.4,5
There are unique barriers to achieving
energy savings in low-income
households,6 which means efficiency
Average Electricity Price, 2015 (in cents/kWh)
9−11 11−13 13−15 15−17 17−29
Low−Income Energy Burden (% of Income)
4%−6% 6%−8% 8%−10% 10%−12% 12%−14%
Electricity prices are just one factor that contributes to a household’s total energy cost. States with the highest electricity
prices in the nation do not have the highest total energy burden.
Page 183 of 327
programs serving low-income
customers must be thoughtfully
designed and implemented. The
U.S. Department of Energy (DOE)’s
Weatherization Assistance Program
has partnered with states and
community agencies for over 40 years
to achieve energy and cost savings
in low-income homes. DOE’s Clean
Energy for Low Income Communities
Accelerator (CELICA) partnered with
state and local leaders that committed
$335 million to help 155,000
low-income households access
renewable energy and efficiency to
save up to 30% or more on energy
bills. CELICA also developed the
Low-income Energy Affordability
Data (LEAD) Tool, which provides
state, city, and county data on
energy burden. In addition to energy
burden, there are a number of other
factors that could make it difficult
for low-income households to afford
their energy bills, some of which
can be explored through the Home
Energy Affordability Tool. More
resources and tools to inform low-
income program development are
available at DOE’s State and Local
Solution Center: energy.gov/eere/slsc.
1There are a variety of methods for defining low-
income households. Unless otherwise specified, the
DOE analysis presented in this document defined
low-income households as below 80 percent of
the Area Median Income, as defined by the U.S.
Department of Housing and Urban Development.
2For more information, see https://
www.energy.gov/eere/slsc/
low-income-community-energy-solutions
3DOE’s Weatherization Assistance Program found
an estimated $2.78 in non-energy benefits for every
$1.00 invested in weatherizing homes. More info
is available at https://www.energy.gov/sites/prod/
files/2017/05/f34/wap_factsheet_08.2017.pdf
4Tonn, Bruce et al. “Health and Household-Related
Benefits Attributable to the Weatherization
Assistance Program. Oak Ridge National Laboratory,
2014. https://weatherization.ornl.gov/wp-content/
uploads/pdf/WAPRetroEvalFinalReports/ORNL_
TM-2014_345.pdf
5Wilson, Jonathan et al. “Home Rx: The Health
Benefits of Home Performance.” DOE, December
2016. https://betterbuildingssolutioncenter.energy.
gov/sites/default/files/attachments/Home%20
Rx%20The%20Health%20Benefits%20of%20
Home%20Performance%20-%20A%20Review%20
of%20the%20Current%20Evidence.pdf
6More information on these barriers, and
resources for addressing them, is avail-
able at https://www.energy.gov/eere/slsc/
low-income-community-energy-solutions
DOE is grateful for support from Ian Hoffman at
LBNL for his contributions to the concept and
framing of this document.
Potential Electricity Savings in Low−Income Households
13−17% 17−21% 21−25% 25−29% 29−32%
Recent analysis of cost effective energy efficiency potential among households below
80% of Area Median income (AMI) showed potential household electricity savings
between 13% and 31% for each of the contigous 48 states. Source: https://resstock.nrel.
gov/page/publications
Data Sources
Low-income Energy Affordability Data (LEAD) Tool https://openei.org/doe-opendata/
datasnet/celica-data.
2009 EIA Residential Energy Consumption Survey (RECS) https://www.eia.gov/consumption/
residential/
NREL ResStock Low Income EE Estimates (forthcoming) https://resstock.nrel.gov/
Additional Resources
Clean Energy Low-Income Accelerator (CELICA): https://betterbuildingsinitiative.energy.gov/
accelerators/clean-energy-low-income-communities
Low-income Energy Affordability Data (LEAD) Tool: https://openei.org/doe-opendata/
dataset/celica-data
Solar for All, Home Energy Affordability Tool layer: https://maps.nrel.gov/solar-for-all
State and Local Solution Center: h ttps://ene rgy.gov/eere/slsc
Weatherization Assistance Program: https://energy.gov/eere/wipo/
weatherization-assistance-program DOE/GO-102018-5122 • December 2018
For more information, visit:
energy.gov/eere/wipo
Page 184 of 327
CITY REBATES / REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT
February 2020
Page 185 of 327
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Table of Contents..........................................2
EVALUATION SUMMARY.................................2
ACRONYMS AND TERMINOLOGY..................4
TERMINOLOGY ...........................................5
REPORT OVERVIEW........................................6
City Motivation ..............................................6
Evaluation Scope & Included Programs .......7
Poverty In Fort Collins...................................8
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY PART 1: INDIVIDUAL
REBATE/REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS..........12
Utilities Affordability Portfolio: Findings and
Recommendations......................................12
Finance Service Area Rebates: Findings and
Recommendations......................................14
Recreation Reduced-Fee Program: Findings
and Recommendations...............................16
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY PART 2: CROSS-CITY
FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS.........19
Key Findings ...............................................19
Recommendations......................................22
BACKGROUND ...............................................26
The Price Of Being Poor.............................26
Economic Growth Alone Hasn’t Reduced
Poverty........................................................27
KEY POVERTY CONCEPTS...........................29
Poverty Drains the Very Resources
Necessary For Overcoming Poverty...........29
Poverty Influences Decision-Making...........30
Low-Income People are Unique Users of
Government Services .................................31
POVERTY IN FORT COLLINS........................32
How Many People Are Poor In Fort Collins?
....................................................................33
What Characterizes The Poor In Fort
Collins? .......................................................35
Why is Understanding and Addressing
Poverty Important for the City?...................36
PART 1
UTILITIES AFFORDABILITY PORTFOLIO:
REDUCING ENERGY/WATER COSTS ..........40
History.........................................................40
Program Budget, Coordination, Outreach and
Operations ..................................................41
Participation Patterns..................................45
Customer and Community Satisfaction......45
Program-Specific Recommendations.........46
FINANCE REBATES: PROVIDING TAX RELIEF
.........................................................................48
History.........................................................48
Program Budget, Objectives, Outreach and
Operation....................................................49
Participation Patterns & Customer
Satisfaction.................................................51
Program-Specific Recommendations.........54
RECREATION REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM:
IMPROVING QUALITY OF LIFE .....................57
History.........................................................57
Current Program.........................................60
Program Budget, Objectives, Outreach and
Operation....................................................62
Participation Patterns & Customer
Satisfaction.................................................63
Program-Specific Recommendations.........64
PART 2
CITY-WIDE FINDINGS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................68
Only Half of Low-income People Participate
in a City Rebate/Reduced-fee Program .....68
Variable Community Awareness and Under-
Utilization of Community Partners ..............70
City-wide, Low-Income Programming is
Inefficient and Less Impactful.....................71
Low-Income Residents Are Not Viewed as a
Unique Consumer of City-services.............74
Summarized Findings.................................75
CROSS-CITY REBATE PROGRAM
RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................77
Strategy: City-wide Goal Setting.................77
Structure: Centralization.............................78
Systems: Design For Low-income People As
A Unique Customer Segment.....................79
APPENDICES..................................................81
A. Nonprofit/community partner
Questionnaire .............................................81
B. Spatial map of IQAP Participation..........84
C. UAP Process Map for IQAP...................85
D. UAP Application: IQAP ..........................86
E. UAP Application: MAP ...........................88
F. FSA Rebate Application .........................90
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G. Spatial Map of FSA Rebate Participation
....................................................................92
H. FSA Rebate Process Map......................93
I. Reduced-fee Program Process Map .......94
J. Spatial Map of Recreation Reduced-fee
Participation ................................................95
K. Recreation Reduced-fee Program
Application ..................................................96
INTERNAL STAKEHOLDER COMMENTS .....97
Service Area Comments.............................97
Project Team Comments............................98
STAKEHOLDERS, INTERVIEWS AND
REVIEWERS .................................................101
Internal Interviews, Stakeholders .............101
External Interviews, Focus Groups, Survey
Respondents.............................................101
City of Fort Collins FC Lean Facilitators...102
Received Draft Report..............................102
Received Final Report..............................102
Page 187 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 2
EVALUATION SUMMARY
Report Title: Evaluation of City Rebates and Reduced-Fee Programs for Low-Income
Residents
Date: February 2020
Report Requested By: City Executive Leadership Team
Evaluation Conducted By: Katie Ricketts, Jo Cech
P&PE PROGRAM DESCRIPTION:
The Performance and Program Evaluation (P&PE) program was established by the City in 2017
as a new element in its continuous improvement strategy. P&PE provides an analysis of City
programs/initiatives to assess if stated objectives have been met, and to suggest improvements
to create more efficient and effective program and service delivery. The P&PE evaluators bring
both private and public-sector evaluation experience to the City’s P&PE program. Each
evaluation conducted by the P&PE team (also known as the Evaluation Team) is structured to
identify program improvements to provide the organization with recommendations to learn,
develop and implement more efficient and productive programs.
SCOPE OF EVALUATION:
At the request of the Executive Leadership Team, the P&PE Evaluation Team pursues
evaluations of specific programs, projects and policies in order to assess impact, gather
learnings and facilitate opportunities for continuous improvement. As the City looks to
strengthen its approach to serving low-income residents in the community, it was considered an
appropriate time to review the objectives of current income-qualified programs, document the
history and identify areas of opportunity and challenge within specific programs and policies.
The City Executive Leadership Team asked the Evaluation Team to:
x Provide a profile of the population(s) we reach currently.
o Key questions: How are we reaching low-income populations through our City
Rebates programs? How diverse (or similar) are the participants we reach across
programs? Do the programs access the same pool of eligible residents? What are the
learnings we should share across programs?
x Provide important information about the current state of programming and service
provision.
o Key questions: What does our current suite of programs accomplish? Do those
outcomes meet City goals and objectives? What options may leadership want to
consider and what are the related costs and benefits?
x Assess city-wide impact, opportunities and challenges
o What are the opportunities for greater city-wide coordination of these programs? What
are the tradeoffs for departments and residents?
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CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 3
The subset of low-income rebates and reduced-fee programming includes the following:
x Finance Rebates (grocery tax, utility sales tax, city-specific property tax (or rent tax
reimbursement)).
x Utilities Low-income Portfolio (medical assistance program, income-qualified rate
program, payment assistance fund for emergency assistance).
x Recreation Reduced-Fee Program (reduced-fee program for recreation courses and
learning opportunities as well as facility use).
Evaluation Goal: Determine if the City’s rebate/reduced-fee programs for low-income residents
achieve City and community objectives, if they are efficient, and if they meet residents’ needs.
APPROACH AND METHODS
A mixed method approach (process evaluation plus outcome evaluation) was selected by the
Evaluation Team.
P&PE uses the McKinsey 7S model of organizational effectiveness in its evaluation process.
The model, called the Seven S (7S), has seven components that explain how organizations or
programs/projects perform their work. The seven components also help to identify strengths and
weaknesses of organizations/programs/projects. When the seven components are aligned and
effective it creates organizational congruency, which leads to desired organizational or
program/project outcomes.
P&PE organizes its program evaluation findings and recommendations using the 7S model to
ensure consistency and comparability across all program evaluations. The model’s seven
components are:
x Shared Values: the core values that are evidenced in the organization’s culture, the
norms and standards of the organization.
x Strategy: the plan to maintain and build world-class customer service and innovation.
x Structure: how the organization/program is structured, who reports to whom, who is
accountable.
x Systems: the daily activities, procedures, tools and infrastructure used by staff to get the
job done.
x Style: the leadership style adopted.
x Staff: the employee base and their general capabilities.
x Skills: the skills and competencies of the employees, their ability to do the work.
Page 189 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 4
ACRONYMS AND TERMINOLOGY
ACRONYMS
ACS American Community Survey
AMI Area Median Income
BEA Bureau of Economic Analysis
BIT Behavioral Insights Team, a public policy consulting group
CFCU City of Fort Collins Utilities
CoFC City of Fort Collins
CRM Customer Relationship Management software system
CSRs Fort Collins Utilities Customer Service Representatives
CSU Colorado State University
EOC Energy Outreach Colorado, a state-wide energy assistance program
Evaluation Team City of Fort Collins Performance and Program Evaluation Team
FPL Federal Poverty Level
FSA Financial Services Area
FTE Full-time Employee Equivalent
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GTR Grocery Tax Rebate
HCD Human Centered Design
HUD United States Department of Housing and Urban Development
ID Identification
IQAP Utilities Income-Qualified Assistance Program
IQR Utilities Income Qualified Rate
LEAP Colorado State Low-income Energy Assistance Program
MAP Utilities Medical Assistance Program
PAF Utilities Payment Assistance Fund
P&PE Performance and Program Evaluation program within the City of Fort Collins
PSD Poudre School District
PTR Property Tax Rebate
SUT Financial Services, Sales and Use Tax Office
ToD Utilities Time of Day pricing
UAP Utility Assistance Program
UC Health A Northern Colorado hospital system
UTR Utility Tax Rebate
Page 190 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 5
TERMINOLOGY
Great Recession: The Great Recession marks a period of general economic decline
(recession) during the late 2000s and early 2010s. It was driven primarily by the collapse of the
U.S. real-estate market and negatively affected global trade and fueled economic inequality in
the U.S. and throughout the world.
Human Centered Design: Human Centered Design (HCD) is a process and approach for
solving complex, social, environmental and economic problems by involving the human
perspective in all steps of the problem-solving process. The process aims to make systems
usable and useful by focusing first and foremost on the users, including their needs and
requirements. Initial stages of HCD usually revolve around immersion, observation, and
contextual framing whereby innovators immerse themselves with the problem as well as the
affected community. Consequent stages focus on community brainstorming, modeling and
prototyping and implementation in community spaces.
Income-qualified programs: Municipal (in this case) programs that are offered to residents
based on their income level. Residents who apply must show proof of income and have income
below the income threshold to participate in these programs.
Prime earning years: Prime earning years are generally thought to occur between one’s late
30s to late 50s. Prime earning years differ for women versus men, whereby women’s earnings
start diverging sharply from men after age 34.
Rebates and reduced-fee programs: Throughout the report the terms ‘rebate’ and ‘reduced-
fees’ are used generally and interchangeably. This includes referencing the UAP program,
which does not technically issue a ‘rebate’ but assigns a new rate (IQAP, MAP), or a one-time
payment (PAF) for qualifying utilities customers.
Customers: this report uses this term broadly to discuss the residents and businesses who are
served by the City of Fort Collins government. In this report, this term is often used in context
with low-income people who, as the report suggests, are unique consumers of government
services.
Page 191 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 6
REPORT OVERVIEW
Municipally managed income-qualified programs typically include workforce-related
investments, public benefits like housing vouchers or funding for human services, and rebates
and reduced-fees that reduce the cost of city living for economically vulnerable segments of the
population. This evaluation has a narrow focus: evaluating the efficiency and effectiveness by
assessing the structure, strategy and systematic functioning of City rebates and reduced-fee
programs for the City of Fort Collins.
In contrast to other reports generated by the City’s Evaluation Team, which have covered a
single program, this evaluation covers seven individual rebate programs within three City
service areas. Part 1 of this report
evaluates individual programs within
specific departments. Part 2 evaluates
how individual programs work
together as a portfolio of low-income
programs across the city organization.
These two parts, however, are not
exactly equal. Within this evaluation,
the Evaluation Team holds that the
recommendations and findings in Part
2 are the highest priority. The
Evaluation Team agrees that a centralized, city-wide approach could align individual programs,
articulate larger, city-wide goals, offer a single point of entry for participants, and ultimately
deliver exceptional customer service for low-income individuals and families.
To the extent that Part 2 recommendations-- like city-wide centralization of income-qualified
programs—will take time and resources, the Evaluation Team identifies in Part 1 where
immediate department-level changes can be made in the interim.
CITY MOTIVATION
The City’s vision is to provide world-class municipal service and its mission is to provide
exceptional service for an exceptional community, which includes the services and policies
targeting resident customers who are low-income.
This report reviews the demographics and characteristics of this unique customer segment. Low
income people in Fort Collins, like elsewhere, typically have shared needs but do not represent
a fully homogenous group. In Fort Collins, certain demographic groups are disproportionately
low-income, requiring different outreach, marketing and strategic efforts. In Fort Collins, this
includes women, especially senior and adult women, in addition to people of color.
The demographics of low-income
people may or may not be unique when
compared to other communities, but
better knowledge of this population and
the unique demographics they embody
offers an important opportunity for the
City to better target, assess impact,
and specifically design policies and
programs for these users of
government services.
City Vision: To provide world-class municipal
services through operational excellence and a
culture of innovation.
City Mission: Exceptional service for an exceptional
community.
The report is broken up into two parts: Part 1,
Individual Program findings and; Part 2, City-wide
findings.
The Evaluation Team holds that the
recommendations and findings in Part 2 are the
highest priority.
Page 192 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 7
EVALUATION SCOPE & INCLUDED PROGRAMS
The City of Fort Collins provides a variety of rebates and reduced-fee programs to help
residents meet their basic needs in energy, transportation and tax relief, and to promote access
to a high quality of life through recreation, arts and culture.
A subset of the City’s rebate/reduced-fee programs were included in this evaluation of the City’s
income-qualified programs. Though arts, culture and transportation programs were not included
in this evaluation, the Evaluation Team believes the findings around how the evaluated
programs are or are not working together to generate synergies, reduce transaction costs and
improve community impact are generalizable and applicable city-wide.
The subset of low-income rebates and reduced-fee programs evaluated include the following:
x Utilities Affordability Portfolio (UAP). Includes the Medical Assistance Program (MAP),
Income-Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP), and the Payment Assistance Fund (PAF)
for emergency utility assistance.
x Finance Rebates. Includes the Grocery Tax Rebate (GTR), utility-related Sales Tax
Rebate (STR), City-specific Property Tax (or rent-tax) Rebate (PTR).
x Recreation Reduced-Fee Program. Reduced-fee program for recreation courses and
facility use.
Key areas of inquiry in this report include the profile of
the populations in need and the current reach of the
City’s various programs in terms of size, demographic
characterization and low-income customer satisfaction
with the provided services. The history, goals and
objectives and operations of the rebate and reduced-fee
programs evaluated have each been documented along
with key recommendations for individual program
improvement. The final chapter of this report concludes
with findings for better cross-program integration.
In Figure 1, how the evaluated programs (rightmost, red
boxes) fit into a larger picture of income-eligible City
programs is illustrated:
Rebate and reduced-fee
programs are policy tools local
governments use to lower the
high cost of city living for low-
income people.
This report evaluates a
selection of City reduced-fee
and rebate programs to
determine if these programs
are positioned to achieve the
intended objectives.
Page 193 of 327
CITY REBATES/ REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
EVALUATION REPORT 8
Figure 1: List of income-qualified programming evaluated by the P&PE Team
POVERTY IN FORT COLLINS LOOKS LIKE TODAY
Economic statistics, including those focused on identifying low-income or impoverished groups,
are gathered at different dimensions. These dimensions include individuals, families (2+ people
who are related, living together and presumably sharing finances) and households (people who
live together but may or may not be
related, and may or may not be
sharing finances).
Across all subsets of the population,
the individual poverty rate in Fort
Collins, according to the American
Community Survey (ACS)
administered by the Census Bureau,
is 17%. When controlling for a high
local student population1, this report
finds an average overall poverty
rate of 12.2% of individuals.
While some characteristics of
individuals and families facing high
poverty levels are well-known, others
remain hidden and are specific to particular regions and unique economic realities. Like
1 “Controlling” for students means accounting for the fact that our local student population has an outsized effect on
the outcome of interest, in this case, poverty. Many students are stepping out of the economy and forgoing current
wages in lieu of investing in their education in the hopes of future, higher earnings. By identifying and then isolating —
as much as possible—students from the underlying population, we can see what poverty looks like in addition to, or
outside of, students.
What characteristics make someone more likely to be
poor in Fort Collins? Being Black, Hispanic/Latinx, and
female. Women are 10% more likely than men to
experience poverty.
How many people in Fort Collins are poor?
- ~2,000 families are poor. Families are household
units of 2+ people, related by blood or marriage.
- ~7,000-10,000 households are poor. Households
are home units made of people who may be related
or not.
- ~25,000 individuals are poor. This number is based
on a total population of 171,100 people.
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elsewhere in the country, race in Fort Collins plays an important role in elevating an individual’s
or family’s risk of poverty. In Northern Colorado, Native Americans, Blacks and
Hispanic/Latinx people have lower incomes, higher poverty rates, fewer assets, lower
educational attainment levels, lower homeownership rates and poorer health outcomes than the
majority white population2. In Fort Collins, the median household income for non-white racial
groups is approximately $42,333 lower than white households’ median income3.
Age and gender also both play important roles in increasing poverty risk. At first glance, a high
population of students indicates that the majority of the poor in Fort Collins (around 30% of the
poverty population) are students between the ages of 18-24. When you control for the student
population, however, a different picture of poverty emerges in Fort Collins. Women ages 35-54
and those 55+ are disproportionately poor: over the last five years and compared to their
male counterparts, these women are 10% more likely to face poverty.
2 Bell Policy Center, (2018). Guide to Economic Mobility in Colorado. https://www.bellpolicy.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/Guide-to-Economic-Mobility-FINAL.pdf
3 City Plan Fort Collins, 2019. https://ourcity.fcgov.com/cityplan/documents (p.22-23).
Key Facts About Poverty in Fort Collins (ACS Census Data, 5-year 2013-2017 estimates):
x One in eight (12.2%, 20,948) individuals out of a total population of 171,100 is considered low-
income.
x One in sixteen (6.4%, 2,146) families are low-income, out of a family population of 33,531.
Families are distinct from households (61,532) in that the families are a distinct type of household
unit of more than one individual, living together and related by marriage, birth or adoption.
x Poverty in Fort Collins is characterized by gender. Women are 10% more likely—at any age—
to be impoverished than men. 26% of households headed by females are low-income.
x Poverty in Fort Collins is characterized by race. Latinx, Black and Native American people
experience an elevated poverty risks.
x ACS data supports, and community nonprofits agree, that a higher proportion of the poor in
Fort Collins today are ‘working poor,’ earning insufficient wages to keep them and their families
out of poverty.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
(PARTS 1 & 2)
This evaluation is broken up into two parts, each with distinct findings. These
include: Part I: Department-level findings and recommendations relevant
for specific, individual programs operating within the city. Part 2: Cross-city
findings and recommendations for the combined portfolio of low-income
programs enacted here at the City of Fort Collins.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY PART 1: INDIVIDUAL
REBATE/REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
UTILITIES AFFORDABILITY PORTFOLIO (UAP): FINDINGS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
UAP KEY FINDINGS
Utilities has gained significant outreach and operational synergies by aligning with the state-
wide Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP).
x In its first year, the City of Fort Collins Utility (CFCU) Income-Qualified Assistance
Program (IQAP) has enrolled close to 60% of the qualified LEAP participants who obtain
CFCU services and live in Fort Collins.
x For each low-income subset, including the chronically poor, the temporarily or suddenly
poor, and individuals and families managing disabilities or medical issues, there is a
uniquely suited UAP program.
x UAP tracks outreach efforts and collaborates closely with community and regional
partners. Out of City’s three rebate and reduced-fee programs evaluated, the UAP
program is most well-known among non-profit partners.
x Operational and strategic goals are lacking.
x The program enjoys strong support and community awareness, and program staff are
highly respected among stakeholders.
SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
As the pilot year of IQAP ends, an upcoming review with a year’s worth of data will tell a lot
about how the program is functioning, who is benefitting, and where improvements may be
made. Even without a complete dataset, several recommendations are outlined in this report
(see the adjacent table). The recommendations include structural changes, like the elimination
of the MAP program, strategic changes like the identification of goals and objectives beyond
simply administering the program, and systematic improvements like an improved customer
feedback survey. Assessing how many MAP customers would not qualify for IQAP should be
undertaken before elimination of the MAP program. However, even if 50% didn’t qualify (~80
current MAP participants), the pool is small enough for CFCU to consider ‘grandfathering’ any
unqualified individuals into the IQAP program.
Importantly, the program management staff running the UAP program enjoy strong community
collaboration and are very much admired and respected for their hard work in the community.
While they may improve by standardizing and strengthening a customer feedback survey, the
UAP team benefits from a department-wide system (CFCU Customer Connections) to track
outreach efforts. This department infrastructure enables the team to use historical data to
identify what they have done (benchmarking) and what they can do to improve (goalsetting). A
2020 outreach action plan is currently being developed. A summary of recommendations can be
found in the adjacent table.
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4 The P&PE Team uses the McKinsey 7S framework for program evaluation. This includes assessments around
Strategy, Structure, Shared Values and Systems, in addition to Style, Staff, and Skills. www.mckinsey.com
Component4 Recommendation Recommendation rationale
Structure (1) Merge MAP with IQAP and
remove duplication.
MAP is a small program that requires significant
staff management. Alongside the IQAP, MAP is
redundant as most users of MAP may be rolled
into the IQAP.
Strategy (2) Develop a strategic plan to
include the remaining ~30-
40% who participate in LEAP
but not IQAP.
(3) Identify and document
operational and strategic
goals and objectives.
Continuing to support LEAP participation (and
thus IQAP participation) with non-profit partners,
events, etc.
Beyond simply administering a program, identify
long and short-term goals, create milestones
and further develop a framework for assessing
impact.
Systems (4) Reduce re-work and
redundancies in developing
an IQAP master-list with
LEAP.
(5) Standardize a user survey to
track customer satisfaction.
Work with local LEAP program officers to
eliminate redundancies in identifying eligible
participants. E.g., eliminate construction of three
different lists between LEAP and the City for
identifying potential program participants.
Survey used to assess participant satisfaction
may be improved to provide greater insights with
better questions, survey participation incentives
and improved survey design, for identifying what
customers perceive as the value of IQAP.
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FINANCE SERVICE AREA (FSA) REBATES: FINDINGS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
FSA REBATE PROGRAM KEY FINDINGS
x The FSA Rebates program, including the utility-tax rebate (UTR), grocery tax rebate
(GTR), and property-tax rebate (PTR) have not been evaluated since their origination
almost 40 years ago.
x The administration of rebates in Financial Services Area (FSA) has never been fully and
permanently resourced. This has had ramifications for Finance staff, who are temporarily
diverted from their primary jobs, and the program itself, i.e., there is a lack of capacity for
program improvement, strategic marketing efforts and community engagement.
x Starting in 2015, a seasonal, part-time full-time employee equivalent (FTE) was hired to
manage applications during the three-month enrollment window.
x A seasonal FTE has little time to conduct outreach, develop community relationships, or
work on long-term program development.
x In 2019, FSA was able to hire a new Sales Tax technician that will devote a proportion
(33%) of time to year-round management of the FSA Rebate program.
x Compared to other evaluated City rebate programs, the Finance Rebates are relatively
unknown to many community non-profit partners.
x A narrow focus on program administration and execution exists, absent a strategic plan.
x Declining program participation has occurred simultaneously with a growing pool of
income-eligible households in Fort Collins.
x Compared to other City rebate programs, participants typically skew much older (mid 60s)
and applicants come from smaller household sizes with extremely low-income levels. GTR
applicants are an exception, with a median age of ~40, and 3+ in a household.
x Age-related eligibility requirements limit equitable access to the UTR and PTR. Evidence
suggests there are a number of non-senior, impoverished families who may benefit from
the rebates but do not meet the age requirements, i.e., are not age 65+.
x UTR and IQAP are duplicative. UTR was established pre-IQAP and is an artifact of an era
where energy poverty was not addressed within Utilities. Verification of CFCU customer
status for the UTR is time-consuming and burdensome for Finance staff to manage.
SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
The UTR, GTR and STR, which together make up the FSA Rebates program, have never been
reviewed or evaluated—though various improvements to the original ordinances have occurred
(e.g., the 1980s inclusion of ‘disabled individuals’ identified in the target group). With a new,
partially dedicated FTE, the FSA Rebates program is likely to benefit from improved service
continuity, better nonprofit relationship management, and possible strategic objective
development. However, the ability for this new resource to reasonably manage any program
growth—in addition to necessary (and growing) Sales and Use Tax duties—is unlikely. Strategic
planning and clear goal definition will help deduce what is required for FSA Rebate program
success in terms of staff time, roles and responsibilities.
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Reducing age-specific criteria for the PTR
could expand eligibility for the families
already accessing the GTR, but
unqualified for the PTR. The combination
of the PTR + GTR may financially
incentivize low-income residents to apply
for the FSA Rebates, despite the work and
coordination required (e.g., arranging
childcare, transportation, etc.) for these households to submit applications in-person to the City.
Combining the PTR with the GTR also achieves the following:
x Reduces staff burden and operational costs. Managing and monitoring divergent
participation criteria for different Finance rebates is a ‘heavy lift’ for an already under-
resourced program.
x Ensures equity, targets the neediest. When age-criteria were adopted for the PTR/UTR
in the 1970s/1980s, it is probable seniors were a population with a high—perhaps the
highest--likelihood of poverty. Today however, the most impoverished people in Fort
Collins are women, including adult women between ages 35-54 and senior women over
age 55 (see discussion on pages 14-17). Though seniors still represent a vulnerable
population, Fort Collins today clearly has a high proportion of working families and adults
in poverty. With stagnating usage of the PTR, extending PTR to the currently
impoverished population makes sense to fully address the need of a changing low-income
population.
x More money into the hands of low-income people, especially families. A female-
headed household is more than 25% more likely to experience poverty with significant
lifelong impacts for children. Research shows incremental household funds typically go to
benefit children, and that interventions that benefit children have long-term positive effects
on economies and societies.5.
Eliminating the UTR has positive benefits for the City, the FSA, the IQAP program and
low-income customers. Verifying CFCU customer status between CFCU and FSA is a lengthy
and burdensome process for staff. Directing interested customers to the IQAP/LEAP program
instead, could better utilize an existing City service and strengthen a state-wide program (i.e.,
LEAP). For low-income customers, attaining a long-term solution—a permanently lower utility
rate—is almost certainly preferable to an annual cash rebate.
Eliminating the UTR could also reduce a portion of the administrative burden of the FSA
Rebates program and free up time and resources for the important—but currently not
completed—marketing and relationship-building work that needs to be undertaken for the
GTR/PTR rebates.
FSA Rebate program staff should also consider how to identify and obtain resources for
improving the online application system. Knowing that low-income families are constrained by
transportation, childcare and other costs, an online application means that low-income people
working multiple jobs and managing the high costs of city living are able to submit applications
in a time and manner convenient for them. Additional recommendations are summarized in the
adjacent table.
5 UNICEF (2019). https://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/index_53294.html Accompanying report:
https://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/files/Investing_in_Children_19June2012_e-version_FINAL.pdf
Resourcing constraints:
The FSA took an important step towards better
program management by addressing the service
continuity and relationship management issues
inherent with a seasonal employee.
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RECREATION REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM: FINDINGS AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
6 The UAP program eliminated income verification by accepting LEAP enrollment in lieu of UAP-specific program
income verification.
Component
Improvement &
recommendation Recommendation rationale
Structure
(1) Ensure adequate FTE
coverage of the FSA rebate
program.
(2) Merge GTR and PTR into a
single rebate by removing
age-specific criteria of PTR.
(3) Eliminate UTR in lieu of
pushing participants
towards CFCU IQAP
program.
With a new 2019 FTE spending 33% of their time
on the FSA Rebates program, FSA has made a
solid step towards service continuity. However,
should Council prioritize program growth,
appropriate resourcing should be reconsidered.
Merging the GTR and PTR streamlines and
creates value in the following ways:
a. Reduces staff burden and operational costs.
b. Ensures equity, targets the neediest.
c. Puts more money into the hands of low-income
families.
Strategy
(4) Identify and document goals
and objectives of FSA
Rebate program.
(5) Standardize customer
service feedback
opportunities.
(6) Increase marketing efforts
via increased budget and/or
staff time allocated to
outreach.
Beyond simply administering a program, identify
long and short-term goals, create milestones and
further develop a framework for assessing impact.
Adequate customer feedback is not currently
obtained for assessing satisfaction and
opportunities for design and process improvement.
Systems
(7) Make application period
year-round.
(8) Provide resources to
improve online application
option.
(9) Consider ways to eliminate
income verification.
In contrast to other city rebate/reduced-fee
programs, the FSA Rebate program still operates
as a seasonal program, which is challenging for
staff who work on a compressed schedule, as well
as applicants who must juggle yet another benefit
timeline.
The current online application option has not been
designed-for, nor tested by, actual users. It is
difficult to use, challenging to upload the correct
documents, and usually requires more work for
staff to track down missing application
components.
Income verification is an extremely burdensome
step for City staff. Staff time could be better spent
on targeted marketing and customer
engagement/support6.
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RECREATION PROGRAM KEY FINDINGS
x Among the City Rebate programs evaluated in this report, the Recreation reduced-fee
program has by far the most users (more than 5,000 annually). These are mostly families
and most primary applicants who submit applications on behalf of a household, are
female.
x In contrast to other departments, the Recreation reduced-fee program uses a unique
poverty measurement threshold of 185% of the federal poverty threshold. This is in-line
with Poudre School district, a key community partner for the program, but out of alignment
with the other City Rebate programs.
x Following a year of community and municipal partner outreach, Recreation’s Reduced-fee
Program underwent a major overhaul in 2017. The changes in 2017 simplified the
discounts given and prioritized access to introductory sports, group activities and classes.
x Changes are occurring in the user base: adults ages 19-59 are shrinking as a user base
(down by more than 10% over the last 5 years), while a proportionally smaller senior
segment (ages 60+) is growing.
x The income verification step has a significant privacy risk for applicants, is complicated,
and is burdensome for staff, especially Recreation office front desk staff. The process for
moving, copying and validating sensitive tax and identification documents within the
Recreation department is not formalized or secure, providing opportunities for sensitive
applicant information to be lost or misused.
x The program maintains a strong focus on operational improvement and operational goals.
It lacks a focus on long-term strategy and strategic goals.
SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS
The Recreation reduced-fee program has been successfully integrated into all Recreation
department functions and there is significant program support and familiarity within the
community and among community partners. Compared to other evaluated City rebate
programs, the reduced-fee program serves many low-income people—especially families-- each
year. The program has taken significant steps to improve the application process and offers
access to recreation opportunities for a range of individuals and families that live in Fort Collins.
Importantly, the application itself has just benefitted from a FC Lean intervention, which reduced
the application from five pages to one. The application now is simpler to understand, completion
is expedited, and design factors that are known to be of great importance for low-income
customers are incorporated.
Broadly, the Recreation Department’s program would benefit from balancing a strong focus on
operational improvement with a focus on long-term strategic impact. In other words, what does
Recreation seek to accomplish in the long term with the reduced-fee program? Are short-term
operational changes working in tandem with a larger vision and articulated long-term strategic
goals? As of now, long-term strategy to guide operational action is missing.
Part of the imbalance between strategic and operational goals is the fact that the reduced-fee
program is not thought of as a traditional Recreation program, with a dedicated program
manager, a specific communications plan, etc. Rather, the reduced-fee program is ‘everyone’s’
job, which means targeted communications and explicit responsibilities for this program’s
success lie with everybody in Recreation, but also with no one in particular. High-level questions
about program effectiveness often don’t land squarely with any staff member or specific
workgroup. Clear ownership and milestones around who is responsible for program growth and
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development may lead to programmatic improvements. Additional recommendations are found
in the table below:
Component Recommendation Recommendation rationale
Strategy (1) Balance an operational
focus by articulating a
long-term, strategic plan.
(2) Design and execute a
communications plan,
include outreach goals
and key partners.
Beyond goals around program administration
and operations, there are no clearly articulated
strategic goals. What’s the long-term objective
of the program? What is the program trying to
accomplish? How are operational goals in
service to long-term strategic goal(s)?
Let data insights guide goals and inform long-
term and short-term targets. For example,
consider a short-term goal of increasing adult
usage (people between 19-59), given that this
user group has been recently shrinking.
Complete work of establishing and executing a
marketing/communications plan.
Staff & Structure (3) Identify ownership of
program tasks, program
boundaries
Specific operational tasks are absorbed by
multiple staff, making accountability and
leadership difficult. Who is responsible for
managing the program? Clarify which staff are
charged with various tasks, including
marketing/relationship management within the
community.
Systems (4) Strengthen the system
for handling sensitive
application materials.
(5) Provide an online
application option.
(6) Align eligibility criteria
with other City Rebates
programs by using AMI
instead of FPL.
A single, City-wide income-eligibility application
could eliminate the burden of income verification
for Recreation. Among other things, the current
inter-office transfer of copies of sensitive
documents among staff poses risks for
residents’ privacy.
Complete work to provide an online application
option.
Measure poverty using a locally appropriate
measure (% of AMI) consistent with other City
rebate programs.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY PART 2: CROSS-CITY
FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This evaluation is broken up into two parts, each with distinct findings. They include:
1) Department-level recommendations and findings relevant for specific, individual
programs operating within the city.
2) Cross-city recommendations and findings for the combined portfolio of low-income
programs enacted here at the City of Fort Collins;
These two parts and accompanying sets of recommendations, however, are not exactly equal.
Within this evaluation, the Evaluation Team prioritizes a centralized, city-wide approach on the
basis that cross-city programming could align individual programs, offer a single point of entry
for participants, and ultimately deliver the exceptional customer service that the City sets out to
deliver for low-income people, which represent a unique set of customers accessing
government services.
To the extent that centralization and establishment of city-wide goals will take time and
resources, more immediate changes can be made in the interim via department level
recommendations.
KEY FINDINGS
Beyond individual rebate and reduced-fee program recommendations, this evaluation highlights
several opportunities for an improved, city-wide approach to rebates and reduced-fees for low-
income populations. This report estimates that less than half of eligible low-income individuals
and families participate in one of the low-income City programs evaluated. Far fewer participate
in more than one of these programs. In fact, only 18% of the addresses used by an
applicant are linked (by usage) to more than one of the rebate/reduced-fee programs
evaluated in this study. This means that significant progress may be made in the programs’
overall reach (the absolute number of low-income individuals and families served) as well as
participation depth (the proportion of participating families obtaining more of the City’s
opportunities).
Taken together, these individual rebate programs may function as a ‘portfolio of options’ that
support and reinforce larger City goals around economic inclusion and poverty reduction. Right
now, however, there is little strategic alignment between these programs. This includes the
absence of an articulated set of shared, city-wide goals.
LESS THAN HALF OF LOW-INCOME PEOPLE PARTICIPATE IN ONE CITY
REBATE/REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM
Estimating the number of low-income individuals in Fort Collins is a complicated undertaking. A
suite of federal, regional and local poverty measures describe poverty according to household
type (i.e., a family versus a household versus an individual), income level, and household size
(e.g., a single individual versus multiple family/household members). As a result, each poverty
measure sets different income thresholds for determining the local low-income population size.
Also, the existence of a large student population here in Fort Collins attending Colorado State
University (CSU) or other higher-education institutes within in the city further complicates the
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picture. Further explanation of how the authors estimated the poverty population may be found
in the body of the report (see Section entitled Background & Key Concepts)7.
Using application data from each of the three Service Areas/departments (Utilities, Finance and
Recreation) and attempting to control for estimated overlaps between programs, the Recreation
Reduced-Fee program reaches the highest proportion of the City’s low-income population,
followed by the FSA Rebates, followed by the UAP. Note that the population of the biggest
component of the UAP, the IQAP program, is bounded by eligibility for state-wide LEAP. Most
importantly, more than half of all estimated City low-income households are currently not
reached by any of the City of Fort Collins’s reduced-fee/rebate programs evaluated
herein.
Figure 2: City-wide participation
LOW-INCOME PEOPLE ARE NOT CONSIDERED A UNIQUE CONSUMER OF CITY
SERVICES
Perhaps as important as the information on the low participation in these City programs, the
City’s low-income residents are not seen as unique users of the City’s services, unlike, for
example, how the business community is viewed by the City. By defining low-income people as
a unique customer, it follows that departments will see value in crafting specific communications
and designing programs with that unique user in mind. Without a common understanding of the
low-income resident as a unique customer, knitting these programs together will remain a
challenge.
7 Fort Collins poverty estimates were calculated using 5-year estimates from the 2013-2017 American Census.
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Explanations for why this population is unique include:
x Geographic mobility. These populations are managing temporary housing or moving
frequently to find lower rent/housing costs.
x Legal vulnerability. Individuals and families might be dealing with legally challenging
issues, including residency, immigration and criminal/civil problems.
x Unique constraints. When experiencing poverty, individuals and families juggle unique
constraints that place different burdens on their time, decision-making and available
resources (see discussion in Key Poverty Concepts). These conditions can include
having multiple jobs, shift work, cognitive stress, family care, and transportation issues,
among other things.
Recognizing low-income residents as a unique customer segment means:
x Developing a common language and poverty thresholds for this population.
x Adopting a set of strategic objectives and a strategic communications plan.
x Requiring standard user-specific design principles for programs and projects working with
low-income populations.
VARIABLE COMMUNITY AWARENESS AND UNDER-UTILIZATION OF
COMMUNITY PARTNERS
17 individuals from nine non-profit organizations serving Fort Collins and Larimer County
residents were surveyed about their knowledge of, and collaboration with, City of Fort Collins
reduced-fee/rebate programs. These partner community organizations included CSU Care
Program, various UC Health/Poudre Valley programs, the Volunteer Income Tax Assistance
Program, Project Self Sufficiency, Neighbor to Neighbor, Energy Outreach Colorado, and the
Food Bank of Larimer County (See questionnaire in Appendix A). Close to 80% of non-profit
partners surveyed indicated they work directly with low-income people in Fort Collins (Figure 3).
Between 80-90% of respondents were familiar with the City’s reduced-fee recreation pass and
the Utilities IQAP program. On the contrary, less than half knew about the property tax and
utility tax rebates managed in
Financial Services (35%).
As a result of differing levels of
awareness and intentional
collaboration, non-profits in Fort
Collins extend varying levels of
support for City reduced-fee and
rebate programs. Lack of full
support means lost marketing
and outreach opportunities as
well as lost opportunities for
direct assistance with programs’
application management, etc.
Across the rebate/reduced-fee
programs evaluated in this
study, IQAP, followed by the
reduced-fee recreation pass
program, have the greatest
familiarity in the community and the most direct non-profit support.
Figure 3: Cross-program rebate awareness of city stakeholders. Source:
2019 Survey data collected by Evaluation Team
0% 20% 40% 60% 80%100%
Sales and use tax rebates,
property & utility tax (PTR, UTR)
Sales and Use Tax rebate,
grocery (GTR)
Reduced-fee pass (recreation)
Utility Rebates (energy
assistance)
NON-PROFIT/COMMUNITY
PARTNER AWARENESS OF CITY
REBATES PROGRAMS
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CITY-WIDE, LOW-INCOME PROGRAMMING IS INEFFICIENT
Crucially, low cross-program participation means a reduced return on City-sponsored social
investments. Limited success in cross-program participation currently means a reduction in the
potential combined impact of these programs—whereby the possible impact of the ‘portfolio of
low-income services’ could be greater than the sum of independent department initiatives.
It also means that each department charged with administering an income-eligible
program pays the ‘full cost’ of its administration, potentially re-processing the same
applicant annually for multiple City services or expending the same time and energy trying to
reach similar participants in the community.
Moreover, lack of centralization between these different programs has led departments to adopt
different approaches, including different methods for leveraging community partners, variable
eligibility thresholds affecting participation, and differing levels of staff/programmatic resources
available for deployment. As a result, analysis performed for this report suggests that each
department that manages a reduced-fee/rebate program has reached a slightly—or in some
cases very different—low-income population.
ADDITIONAL CROSS-PROGRAM FINDINGS
x Departments struggle with income verification and are misaligned around poverty
thresholds. Not only does each department pay the full cost of administration, but their
targeting is not consistent, each reaching a slightly different segment of the impoverished
population. Also, lack of standardization around management of applicants’ sensitive
income verification documents is an underappreciated privacy and legal risk for the City.
x Lack of standardized data and data tracking makes assessing resident engagement
across City rebate/reduced-fee programs nearly impossible. Better systems are
needed to understand how low-income people fully interact with—or are isolated from—
available City services.
x Key community partners and non-profits are unaware of certain rebate/reduced-fee
offerings at the City. Without awareness, non-profits are unable to alert their low-income
clients of City opportunities and help improve City programming.
x Key community partners may know about some rebate programs, but partners
could be better utilized. Of the non-profits and community partners surveyed, no more
than 50% actively support City rebate/reduced-fee programs either directly (by supporting
low-income clients to fill out applications) or indirectly (via marketing like posters or flyers,
or social media mentions).
RECOMMENDATIONS
STRATEGIC GOAL SETTING & CENTRALIZATION OF RESPONSIBILITY
Departments operate their programs in ‘silos’ with minimal resources and little city-wide
strategic guidance. There is no set of city-wide goals, no central responsibility for ensuring that
each program pursue unified goals nor a mechanism for aligning department-level actions.
Beyond a lack of shared, long-term city-wide strategic goals, differing department values and
divergent department constraints (funds, staffing) further complicate the ability of these
programs to coordinate optimally for low-income residents. Most departments accept the
mandate to provide these services, but this means the provision of low-income programming is
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in service to narrower department-level goals and not in service to broader city-wide goals for a
unique customer segment.
Opportunities for bridging the responsibility gap:
1. Establish a set of strategic City-wide goals shared across departments and functions.
For example, the Climate Action Plan (Our Climate Future), is a unified program that
blankets the entire City; something similar for low-income programs would be catalytic for
departments interacting with low-income residents. Those departments could then link
resources and workplans to meet established cross-functional objectives.
The City-wide goals may emphasize:
x Promoting economic security with assistance in meeting basic needs (energy, tax
relief) for the low-income population, and
x Opportunities to access cultural events and recreation.
2. Centralization of program administration. Centralize administration of low-income
services with dedicated FTE program manager(s) and cross-functional participation by
relevant Service Area Directors.
3. Conduct annual portfolio performance reporting. Annually assess how
rebate/reduced-fee programs work together to achieve the aforementioned City-wide
goals. Assess participation ‘depth’ and how/if program participants participate in more
than one rebate program; determine if needed adjustments of program marketing occur
based on estimates of new/emerging low-income demographics.
RECOGNIZE AND DESIGN FOR LOW- INCOME PEOPLE AS A UNIQUE
CUSTOMER SEGMENT
Low-income residents within the city are not seen as unique users of the City’s services. This
contrasts, for example, with a similarly unique identified customer segment like the business
community8. By defining low-income people as unique customers and reporting on their
experience with City services, departments will see value in crafting specific outreach and
programs designed with that unique user in mind. Without a common understanding of the low-
income resident as a unique customer, knitting these programs together will remain a challenge.
Opportunities to recognize and design for a unique low-income segment include:
1. Developing a common language and poverty thresholds to describe this population.
2. Adopting strategic goals and developing a strategic plan and communication plan
specifically for this population.
3. Requiring departments to leverage user-specific, human centered design principles when
developing, improving and managing programs that target low-income populations.
8 See the City’s Business Engagement and Action Plan (BEAP), co-managed by a cross-functional group from the
Economic Health Office, Utilities Customer Engagement Team, the City Manager’s Office, etc.
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BACKGROUND AND
KEY CONCEPTS
The three sections in this chapter (Background, Key Poverty Concepts,
Poverty in Fort Collins) explain the context for, the characteristics of
and challenges faced by the City’s low-income population. These
sections provide an understanding of this unique customer segment, which
is necessary to assess the impacts of the City’s rebates/reduced-fee
programs.
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BACKGROUND
While certain populations are always at risk of being chronically poor, signals point to changing
dynamics in Fort Collins and Northern Colorado. Many local community service providers are
expressing increased concern that they are serving higher proportions of low-income people
who work full-time (i.e., the ‘working poor’)9. This means that despite a low unemployment rate,
which would otherwise signal a thriving workforce, the ability for working, low-income families to
prosper in Fort Collins is questionable. This changing characteristic of low-income people in our
community warrants a fresh look at the programs and policies that have been previously
implemented.
THE PRICE OF BEING POOR
PAYING MORE FOR ENERGY, HOUSING AND FOOD
Compared to their middle-class or upper-class community members, low-income Americans
who live in poverty pay more than moderate or high-income families for basic necessities—far
more. As a percentage of income, poor
families in the bottom 20% of income
earners nationally, pay on average close to
10% of their annual income on energy costs.
As a proportion of income, that’s almost
seven times what the top 20% of income
earners typically pay.
However, people who earn less aren’t just
paying more for energy as a percentage of
their income. For most low-income
households, inefficient appliances and low-
quality residential buildings means that additional energy is required per square foot to heat,
cool and otherwise operate a residence (Figure 4)10. The result is higher energy costs per
square foot compared to middle- or upper-income families and individuals. Given that low-
income families are more likely to rent, these families bear the cost of utility bills but have no
ability nor incentive to make capital investments around energy efficiency upgrades on a home
they don’t own. Meanwhile, landlords have few economic incentives to make efficiency
upgrades that would save their tenants money.
The point at which energy costs become burdensome enough to contribute to poverty is
typically cited as a household devoting more than 6% of its income to energy-related costs11.
9 Non-profit, County government and community partner interviews, 2019. Includes input from Larimer County Food
Bank, Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP), Human Services Department of Larimer County, Project Self
Sufficiency, The Family Center (La Familia).
10 Goundswell (2016). https://groundswell.org/study-finds-that-working-families-pay-the-most-for-electricity-despite-
lower-price-trends-and-affordable-clean-energy-alternatives/
11 The Atlantic (2016). Energy Poverty in Low-income Households
https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/06/energy-poverty-low-income-households/486197/
Figure 4: Low-income energy use
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Across Larimer County, a typical household below 50% of the federal poverty level spends more
than 21% on energy-related costs; energy poverty is all too common across the Front Range12.
HOUSEHOLDS ON THE BRINK
For many families, housing affordability is part of the broader problem of having a low income. If
you don’t make enough money, you have trouble affording anything—including housing in
competitive markets like Fort Collins. Based on 2000-2014 data from the Bureau of Economic
Analysis (BEA), analyzed in 2016 by Pew Charitable Trust, low-income households’ housing
costs grew by more than 50% over the last 19 years13. The strain that housing places on Fort
Collins families is documented in the City’s 2015 Affordable Housing Strategic plan and in the
2019 City Strategic plan. In 2017, Fort Collins homes appreciated at the highest rate in the
state, at more than 11.8%14.
Using a measurement of 200% of the Federal
Poverty Level ($50,200 for a family of 4 in
2018), the Larimer County Food Bank today
serves over 18,000 people with a Fort Collins
address out of the nearly 50,000 individuals
who would qualify to use the Food Bank
based on American Community Survey 2018 figures. In Larimer County the absolute number of
Fort Collins residents within the Larimer County Food Bank database has grown by 15% over
the last six years (2014-2019)15. While the Food Bank may have been able to reach more
individuals in the last six years, the combination of high housing costs, rising healthcare costs
and soaring childcare costs squeezes the budgets of low-income families to the point these
households are now seeking food assistance.
ECONOMIC GROWTH ALONE HASN’T REDUCED POVERTY
While job-training programs and economic development are an essential part of promoting
economic opportunity, climbing out of poverty is only possible when household earnings rise
faster than the cost of living. In the decade after the Great Recession, the economy has
benefited from growing national gross domestic product (GDP), job expansion, falling
unemployment and rising stock prices16.
Yet in Colorado and elsewhere in the U.S, generating a steady, sufficient income by obtaining
and holding a single job is unlikely to completely lift an individual or family out of
poverty. Escalating costs of living continue to outpace wage growth, even though more
Americans and Coloradans are working today than ever before17.
12 Accounting Insights developed this interactive map and associated statistics based on information from the Energy
Information Administration and from the U.S Census Bureau. http://insideenergy.org/2016/05/08/high-utility-costs-
force-hard-decisions-for-the-poor/
13 Bell Policy Center, 2018. Guide To Economic Mobility. https://www.bellpolicy.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/Guide-to-Economic-Mobility-FINAL.pdf
14 Bell Policy Center, 2018. Guide To Economic Mobility. https://www.bellpolicy.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/Guide-to-Economic-Mobility-FINAL.pdf
15 Larimer County Food Bank interview, August 2, 2019. Supplemental Food Bank information provided to the
Evaluations Team on August 5, 2019.
16 Brookings Metro Monitor, 2019. https://www.brookings.edu/research/metro-monitor-2019-inclusion-remains-
elusive-amid-widespread-metro-growth-and-rising-prosperity/
17 Bueau of Economic Analysis (2019): https://www.bls.gov/eag/eag.co_fortcollins_msa.htm
… average weekly wages in Colorado have
been flat since 2000
—Bell Policy Center, 2018
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Why aren’t wages keeping up with rising costs of living? In the past, during periods of low
unemployment and strong economic growth, such as the late 1990s, wages went up faster than
they have in recent years. Nationally, wages grew by about 4.8 percent annually in the late
1990s, compared to 3.4 percent today. The Bell Policy Center offers the following theories about
why workers don’t seem to be enjoying the same economic gains today as they have during
other historic times of economic expansion18:
1. Our low unemployment numbers aren’t giving us the whole picture. Throughout
2019, the local unemployment rate for Fort Collins hovered at a very low 2%. State
economists agree that this number doesn’t include discouraged or permanently
unemployed workers who remain on sidelines—including those that fared the worst
during the Great Recession.
2. A growing imbalance between workers and employers. A significant decline in
unionization and an increase in the concentration of dominant employers in certain
industries and areas has placed downward pressure on wage growth. Popular use of the
contractor classification has also limited benefits for those workers and reduced payroll
costs for employers.
3. The workforce’s changing composition makes wage growth appear lower than it
really is. Older, higher paid workers are leaving the workforce and being replaced by
younger, lower paid workers. Also, new entrants into the workforce moving from part-time
to full-time work are generally earning less than the typical full-time time worker.
Regardless of why wages aren’t keeping up with costs of living, typically poor subsectors of the
population, like seniors and persons with disabilities, are being joined by the ‘working poor’
which includes individuals and families, some of whom should be in their prime earning years.
Even as labor participation (as indicated by declining unemployment rates) and U.S. GDP have
grown, the rate of people in poverty across the country has continued to rise (Figure 5).
Figure 5: Source: Urban
Opportunity Agenda, Center for
Neighborhood Technology (CNT).
18 Bell Policy center (2018). http://www.bellpolicy.org/2019/05/02/wages-inflation/
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KEY POVERTY CONCEPTS
Three behavioral science concepts have guided the findings and recommendations within this
report:
x Recognition that poverty is multi-dimensional and much more than just a lack of money.
x Poverty imposes a significant cognitive burden on families and individuals. As a result,
low-income people make very different decisions than their non-poor counter parts.
x Successful poverty alleviation programs/policies must address low-income people as
unique users of government services and design for low-income users’ behaviors and
needs.
POVERTY DRAINS THE VERY RESOURCES NECESSARY FOR
OVERCOMING POVERTY
Behavioral research has shown that human beings leverage more than just economic capital (or
the lack thereof) when making decisions about meeting needs and securing their well-being
(BIT 2016)19. Figure 6, below, describes the types of resources (capital) relevant to this
discussion of well-being and poverty alleviation.
An individual or family’s ability to store or replenish stocks is necessary for building and
sustaining overall well-being. This includes educational capital (educational attainment and
technical qualifications), human cognitive capital (childhood brain development and decision-
making capacity and mental bandwidth), environmental capital (e.g., housing quality, safety,
19 Behavioral Insights Ltd. (2016). Poverty and Decision-Making: How Behavioral Science Can Improve Opportunity
in the UK. https://www.bi.team/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/JRF-poverty-and-decision-making.pdf
Figure 6: Behavioral research and capital types
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access to natural space), social capital (e.g., social networks, freedom from stigma) and
character capital (e.g., self-control, motivation). When one or more capital stocks or assets are
low, individuals and families pull from other assets or capital stocks to compensate or cope. This
is true for all people, including low-income people. However, for low-income people the
consequences of chronic drains on various capital stocks or the underinvestment in certain
stocks have implications for obtaining a healthy, happy and productive life, i.e., for ensuring
well-being and reducing the chances of falling into poverty. Each of these capital stocks have
consequences when depleted or underinvested in: impacts can last a short time, or entrench an
individual, family or even a generation, into a cycle of poverty.
For government agencies and public policy makers, understanding how these types of capital
work together toward--or against—various aspects of well-being is important to building policies
and programs that disrupt these cycles and meet low-income people where they’re at currently.
POVERTY INFLUENCES DECISION-MAKING
Low income people are unique customers who apply for, access and benefit from municipal
services. As noted above, poverty impacts the resources people draw upon to manage their
lives and cope with the various economic, social or environmental shocks life might bring.
Understanding the resource constraints low-income people typically manage and the way those
constraints affect their decision-making may help the City and other public sector agencies
better design programs specifically for low-income customer success. This section discusses
how poverty affects cognitive capital and, ultimately, how many people experiencing poverty
make decisions.
Recently, attention has focused on the cognitive burden that poverty imposes. In fact, recent
neuroscientific research suggests that the condition of poverty imposes a mental burden akin to
losing 13 IQ points (Mani et al. 2013)20. This means that impoverished families are not only
trying to optimize their decision-making with a limited, disadvantaged resource/capital set, but
they are trying to optimize under conditions that limit mental bandwidth. As a 2016 Behavioral
Insights Team study points out:
“…the context in which people on low-incomes live means that they have
fewer opportunities to replenish or rest their cognitive resources compared to
people on higher incomes. This includes the physical context in which they
live, such as noisy urban environments without green space and with the
emotional fatigue that comes from stifling negative feelings associated with job
loss and stigma.
Poor families and individuals must also make many more critical decisions in a
day compared to those who have financial and time-buffers, from complying
with the conditions of welfare payments to coordinating irregular shift-work
and managing childcare.” (BIT 2016, p. 13-14).
Poverty exists as both a cause and consequence of reduced mental bandwidth, or cognitive
capital21. Successful poverty alleviation efforts recognize that seemingly sub-optimal decisions
20 Mani et al. (2013). Poverty Impedes Cognitive Function. Science, Vol 341 (6149), pp.976-980.
https://science.sciencemag.org/content/341/6149/976.abstract
21 The Atlantic (2013). Your Brain on Poverty: Why Poor People Seem to Make Bad Decisions.
https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2013/11/your-brain-on-poverty-why-poor-people-seem-to-make-bad-
decisions/281780/
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by low-income people may be made because those individuals exist in a very different
environment and with a very different set of resources, than non-poor people.
LOW-INCOME PEOPLE ARE UNIQUE USERS OF GOVERNMENT
SERVICES
Given that poor people may have different resources and different decision-making abilities than
their non-poor counterparts, they represent a unique group accessing government services. On
the flip side, when government policies and programs are designed without a deep
understanding of the poverty context, i.e., how low-income people make decisions, what
resources they do/don’t have available, etc., poverty alleviation programs at the local level may
fail to make an impact.
Throughout this evaluation on income-eligible reduced-fees and rebates, the following design
aspects and questions are considered:
x Low-income people are unique users of government services. People experiencing
poverty do not make decisions like their non-poor counterparts.
o What evidence exists that the policy/program has designed for the ‘poverty
experience?’
o From a low-income user’s point of view, what is going right? What might be missing?
o What, if any, kinds of Human Centered Design22 elements are incorporated?
x Policymakers and program designers must minimize the time and mental costs of
engaging with government or other locally available services.
o Where are we bundling application processes and eligibility requirements to
streamline interactions?
o How are policies and programs considering and/or alleviating the unique mental
burdens associated with poverty?
This evaluation thus continues with a dual focus on evaluating the availability and efficiency of
reduced-fee and rebate programs and the extent to which these policies/programs have a
unique customer focus on low-income people.
22 Human Centered Design principles and toolkit can be found at: https://www.designkit.org/human-centered-design
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POVERTY IN FORT COLLINS
Estimates of the number of households in poverty in Fort Collins are useful for determining how
successful City Rebate programs have been in reaching low-income people. Are we reaching
5%, 25% or 90% of eligible households?
MEASURING POVERTY
Multiple measures of poverty exist for divergent and diverse reasons. In the United States,
poverty is typically measured by three, non-interchangeable indicators. These include Census
Bureau poverty thresholds, the Federal Poverty Level (FPL) and area median income (AMI)
thresholds. Each measure is relative to household size.
x U.S. Census Bureau poverty thresholds are measured annually, specific to region and
used to determine official poverty population statistics for the nation, states and localities
across the country. With this poverty threshold, one may broadly estimate not only how
many people are poor, but how poverty is distributed by age, race, ethnicity, region and
family type.
x Federal Poverty Level (FPL) guidelines.
FPL reflects income cutoff levels annually
issued by the Department of Health and
Human Services. FPL is used
administratively to determine financial
eligibility for federal programs. While these
guidelines do account for variability in cost
of living across regions, FPL is not typically used to estimate regional poverty.
x Area Median Income (AMI) thresholds refer to the income level that divides the
population income distribution of an area in half, with half the population above that
income amount, and half below. AMI is generally analogous to the Department of Housing
and Urban Development’s (HUDs) Median Family Income estimates, which are broken
down into low (households earning 80% of AMI), very low (households earning 50% of
AMI) and extremely low (households 30% or less of AMI). These figures consider local
area costs of living.
For estimating the larger pool of low-income
individuals and families, this report uses the
Census bureau poverty thresholds, given
that the census is the most comprehensive
dataset available that measures poverty
locally and at different levels of age,
household size and household composition.
Generally, the Census poverty thresholds
are slightly stricter, capturing more extreme
poverty levels than, for example, the AMI
estimates.
Estimates of the number of households
in, or adjacent to poverty in Fort Collins
is useful for understanding how
successful our City Rebate programs
have been in enrolling low-income
people.
Which poverty measure is most relevant for
local government programming?
The Census Bureau’s poverty thresholds are the
same nationwide, no sperate figures for different
states or cities. The FPL guidelines are simplified
versions of the Census poverty thresholds and they
exist only to determine financial eligibility for certain
federal programs.
AMI is typically the most meaningful measure
of poverty for most local government purposes.
It accounts for local cost of living and is a good
estimate of regional earnings.
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Lack of a comprehensive, localized poverty dataset for Fort Collins residents means that
estimating the number of poor people in this community is a challenge.
Also, understanding the characteristics of these low-income households is important for
evaluating the City’s outreach effort and for assessing if any specific groups of people are not
reached. For example, if female-headed households represent a significant proportion of our
poor households, do we find a comparable proportion of them participating in our low-income
programs?
If the absolute number of people participating in these programs is low or specific demographic
characteristics are not represented in participant data, each has a bearing on the City Rebates
programs’ marketing effectiveness.
HOW MANY PEOPLE ARE POOR IN FORT COLLINS?
Poverty rates are specific to the family, household or individual units of interest. Without
controlling for students23, the individual poverty rate in Fort Collins according to the American
Community Survey (ACS) administered by the Census Bureau, is 17%24. However, when
controlling for a high student population (i.e., removal of all individuals between 18-35 years),
the poverty rate falls to just over 6%. Knowing that not all residents in that age bracket within
Fort Collins are students and that some students are, indeed, permanent residents in need of
low-income services from the City, this report uses an average between 17% (as the upper
23 Controlling” for students means accounting for the fact that our local student population has an outsized effect on
the outcome of interest, in this case, poverty. Many students are stepping out of the economy and forgoing current
wages in lieu of investing in their education in the hopes of future, higher earnings. By identifying and then isolating —
as much as possible—students from the underlying population, we can see what poverty looks like in addition to, or
outside of, students.
24 2017 American Community Survey 5-year Estimates 2013-2017. Note: all statistics use Fort Collins, City, not Metro
Area.
Income limit
for single
individual
Income limit for
family of 4
Current City
Rebate/Reduced-
Fee program
using this
measure…
How this report (2019
City Rebate
Evaluation) uses this
measure…
Census bureau
poverty
thresholds
x $13,064
(under age
65)
x $25,465 (two
adults, two
children under
18)
N/A Estimating the pool of
low-income
individuals/households
in Fort Collins.
FPL guidelines 200% FPL:
x $24,280
200% FPL:
x $50,200
Recreation:
x 185% FPL
N/A
AMI / HUD
median family
income
estimates
(separate
estimates for
county, state)
60% State AMI:
x $28,452
50% County
AMI:
x $26,900
60% State AMI:
x $54,732
50% County AMI:
x $38,400
x LEAP/IQAP uses
60% of state AMI
x FSA rebates uses
50% County AMI
N/A
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bound) and 6% (as the lower bound) to arrive at a city-wide poverty average of 12.2%. With a
population of 171,100 this means that over 20,000 individuals are low-income in this community.
The poverty rate for families, which, when compared to the total poverty rate of all individuals in
the city, measures poverty within a much smaller pool that includes household units where 2+
people are related by blood or marriage (n= 33,531). The poverty rate for families is 6.4%.
However, when the head of the family household is a sole female with no partner present, the
rate is more than three times as high (20.8%).
Families are distinct from households, which include household units of one person or 2+
people that may or may not be related by blood or marriage (n= 61,532). Using the individual
poverty rate of 17% as the upper bound and 12.2% (the poverty average that includes some
students, but not all) as the lower bound, between 7,534-10,460 households are estimated to be
poor within Fort Collins (Figure 7).
Figure 7: Fort Collins Poverty Levels
All, 17.0%
Average 12.2%
Non-student age,
7.5%
Solo, female-headed
families, 20.8%
Average, 6.4%
Married couples, 3.2%
0.0%
5.0%
10.0%
15.0%
20.0%
25.0%
Upper Bounds Average Lower BoundsPOVERTY %FORT COLLINS POVERTY LEVELS
Individuals Families
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The difference between an adequate income, a sufficient income, and a low income is nuanced,
and time bound. Being low-income
means income insufficiency, i.e.,
not having enough income to
cover basic expenses or living on
‘the edge’ of poverty. Adequate
income means the general ability
to recover from a life shock (an
illness, a financial emergency). In
Fort Collins, the Economic Policy
Institute (EPI)25 identifies an
adequate income for 1 adult living
in Fort Collins to be $38,947. In
contrast, the self-sufficiency
standard for Larimer County is
$25,124, suggesting a significant
gap between sufficiency and
adequacy, in other words,
between having or not having a
financial cushion to survive a negative economic shock/event. In terms of income adequacy, a
couple with two children would require an income of over $89,000 for an ‘adequate’ life in Fort
Collins (EPI 2019).
While measuring actual poverty rates in Fort Collins is important, knowing the number of people
who are living on an income that puts them at risk of falling into poverty is also important. In our
community, the latter is much greater than the former.
WHAT CHARACTERIZES THE POOR IN FORT COLLINS?
While some of the characteristics of individuals and families facing poverty are well-known,
others remain hidden and are specific to particular regions and unique economic realities.
Within Fort Collins and across Colorado, race plays an important role. Native Americans, Blacks
and Hispanic/Latinx workers have lower incomes,
higher poverty rates, fewer assets, lower
educational attainment levels, lower
homeownership rates and poorer health outcomes
than the majority white population26.
In Fort Collins, the median household income for
non-white racial groups is approximately $42,333
lower than for white households27.
25 The Economic Policy Institute (EPI) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan think tank created in 1986 to include the needs of
low- and middle-income workers in economic policy discussions.
26 Bell Policy Center, (2018). Guide to Economic Mobility in Colorado. https://www.bellpolicy.org/wp-
content/uploads/2018/01/Guide-to-Economic-Mobility-FINAL.pdf
27 City Plan Fort Collins, 2019. https://ourcity.fcgov.com/cityplan/documents (p.22-23).
What characteristics make someone
more likely to be poor in Fort Collins?
Being Black, Hispanic/Latinx, and female.
Women are 10% more likely than men to
experience poverty.
What kinds of families are poor in Fort
Collins?
26% of female-headed households (no
partner present) experience poverty in this
community.
Poverty in Fort Collins: getting the numbers
straight
2,146 estimated poor families: defined as family
units, 2+ people who live together who are related
by birth or marriage.
7,534-10,460 estimated range of impoverished
households: defined as home-units of one or
more people who may or may not be related by
birth, marriage, etc.
20,948-29,087 estimated impoverished
individuals: total number of estimated individuals,
based on a total population number of 171,100
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While Latinx families have a higher probability of being poor when compared to their white
counterparts, in terms of absolute poverty numbers, Latinx represent a smaller share of the poor
population at large. Nearly 3
out of 4 low-income
individuals are classified as
white.
Two other characteristics
show up in the City’s poverty
data: age and gender (Figure
8). Each plays an important
role in determining poverty
status. At first glance, the
City’s high population of
students indicates that the
majority of the poor (around
30% of the local poverty
population) are students
between the ages of 18-24.
However, controlling for a
high the student population
(i.e., removal of that age
demographic), paints a
different picture of what age
groups and genders are suffering poverty28. Senior females (ages 60+) and, surprisingly, adult
women characterize the most impoverished demographics. Adult men are least likely to be
impoverished. Throughout the last five years, this data suggests that women have a higher
poverty percentage by more than 10 percentage points, compared to males.
SUMMARY: WHY IS UNDERSTANDING AND ADDRESSING POVERTY
NEEDS FOR FORT COLLINS IMPORTANT FOR THE CITY?
Understanding the characteristics of the city’s low-income households is important for
evaluating the City’s outreach efforts and for assessing how and if specific low-income people
are successfully participating in relevant City programs. The City’s vision is to provide world-
class municipal service and its mission is to provide exceptional service for an
exceptional community; this includes the services and policies targeting resident
customers who are low income.
Low-income people in Fort Collins, like elsewhere,
are not homogenous. In Fort Collins, certain
demographic groups are disproportionately low-
income, requiring different outreach, marketing and
strategic efforts. In Fort Collins, this includes
women, especially senior and adult women, in
addition to people of color.
The demographics of low-income people may or
may not be unique when compared to other
28 Importantly, the typical datasets available through the census –as used in this evaluation-- do not capture data on
non-binary or gender fluid individuals. The authors recognize that this leaves an entire population of people out, and
laments another example of institutionalized gendering.
0%
10%
20%
30%
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017POVERTY %Year
FORT COLLINS POVERTY LEVELS BY
AGE, GENDER
(excludes student-ages of 18-34)
ADULT - Female CHILD - Female ADULT - Male
CHILD - Male SENIOR - Female SENIOR - Male
City Vision: To provide world-class
municipal services through operational
excellence and a culture of innovation.
City Mission: Exceptional service for
an exceptional community.
Figure 8: Poverty by age, gender
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communities, but better knowledge of this population and the unique demographics that they
embody offers an important opportunity for the City to assess impact, better target, and
specifically design policies and programs for these users of government services.
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PART 1:
INDIVIDUAL REBATE &
REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
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UTILITIES AFFORDABILITY PORTFOLIO: REDUCING
ENERGY/WATER COSTS
As an umbrella program, the Utilities Affordability Portfolio (UAP) houses multiple programs for
low-income and/or vulnerable populations seeking to obtain affordable electrical, water and
wastewater utility services from the City of Fort Collins. The UAP includes:
1. Medical Assistance Program (MAP). This program provides financial assistance for
income-qualified individuals who have a doctor-approved medical condition that requires
medical equipment that uses additional energy (e.g., a ventilator or air conditioning).
2. Income Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP). This program allows eligible low-
income individuals to be charged a lower rate for their energy, water and wastewater
service.
3. Payment Assistance Fund (PAF). This program provides one-time assistance for
individuals who experience a sudden economic shock and are unable to pay for utility
service temporarily.
To find the best program or programs for a customer, the City of Fort Collins Utility (CFCU)
Customer Service Representatives (CSRs) or the UAP program manager work together to
identify the best fit for a customer’s unique needs.
HISTORY
Energy prices are uniquely stable in Fort Collins and
across Colorado, given the energy sources for heating
and cooling available in the state. Throughout the span
of the CFCU, various programs have existed within
Utilities to support low-income customers, including
some dating back to the 1980s29. In 2005, the CFCU implemented a Payment Assistance Fund
and in 2012, City Council passed a tiered rate system for utility customers.
At the time that the 2012 tiered system was adopted, concerns were raised about the impacts
the tiered rates would have on low-income individuals and families. A small group of citizens
expressed concern that their medical needs required them to use additional energy and thus
they would be disproportionately affected by a change in utility costs. This confluence of events
launched interest in and development of the Medical Assistance Program (MAP), which began
that same year, and catalyzed a cross-functional City team to explore opportunities around
greater low-income programming for energy and water assistance.
LAUNCHING IQAP
While the MAP was launched quickly, the low-income programming work took much longer to
design, develop and ultimately be approved by Council. Starting in 2013, a cross-functional
exploratory group consisting of Utilities staff, City staff, and local non-profits, considered
programs that could address chronic energy poverty as well as a temporary crisis. Regarding
the latter, the City’s Payment Assistance Fund (PAF) had been implemented in 2005, and the
team considered what improvements could be made to strengthen and support the existing
29 Ordinance No. 8, 1985 specifies the conditions and funding of the REACH program (formerly known as SAVE).
2019 marks the first pilot-year of the
Income-Qualified Assistance Program.
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program. Major recommendations in the 2014 Low-Income Assistance Program Report, Fort
Collins Utilities included:
1. Establish definitions of low-income criteria for participation, including:
x Verification of low income (using AMI)
x Confirmation as a Utilities customer
x Participation in efficiency/conservation education
2. Administer temporary crisis relief via PAF.
3. Acknowledge chronic poverty situations with an income-qualified rate (IQR) for
customers falling between 0-29% AMI and for those between 30-50% AMI.
4. Eliminate the MAP, given the above-mentioned rates for eligible low-income individuals
and families.
When the recommendations for an IQR came through City Council in 2016, discussion was
tabled and development and execution of an IQR stalled. Over the next year, the PAF and MAP
continued to operate as staff waited for another opportunity to bring the IQR before Council.
When Utilities took the Time-of-Day (ToD) Utilities pricing to Council in 2017, the conversation
renewed interest and prioritization of an IQR. In early 2018, Council passed the IQR 30.
Throughout 2018 the program was researched and conceptualized, and a pilot was launched in
the fall of 2018. In the fall of 2019, the IQR, now called the Income Qualified Assistance
Program (IQAP), completed its first pilot year and Utilities is scheduled to report initial progress
to Council after analysis of the first year is completed by CFCU staff.
PROGRAM BUDGET, COORDINATION, OUTREACH AND
OPERATIONS
Today, the umbrella UAP manages multiple programs including the MAP, the PAF, and IQAP
(previously discussed as the IQR). For the first-year pilot of IQAP, the program has leveraged a
relationship with the Colorado Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP), a state-wide
effort to provide a more holistic set of services for low-income individuals requiring utility-cost
reduction. While IQAP is still in its infancy, spatial mapping suggests that there is UAP
participation across the city (Appendix B).
For IQAP participation, CFCU customers must first apply through LEAP and become LEAP-
qualified to participate. Once an individual’s status as a LEAP-qualified participant has been
verified, the CFCU then confirms that the individual is a CFCU customer for one or more of
following: water, wastewater and/or electricity. After submitting an IQAP-specific application
(Appendix D), an individual’s rate is then adjusted to provide a monthly discount. A full review of
the IQAP program process may be found in Appendix C.
30 City Council Work Session on January 30, 2018.
http://citydocs.fcgov.com/?cmd=convert&vid=72&docid=3100394&dt=AGENDA+ITEM&doc_download_date=JAN-30-
2018&ITEM_NUMBER=02
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BUDGET AND RESOURCES
The UAP program provides dedicated
budget resources for programmatic
costs like marketing, printing, postage
and other material and supply costs,
One full-time FTE manages the
portfolio year-round, building
relationships with non-profits and key
stakeholders, and directly interfacing
with CFCU utility customers who are
(or could be) enrolled in IQAP or MAP.
The CFCU also devotes a proportion
of time from a supervisor and several support FTE (4 total) to support the UAP. Customer
Service representatives may also devote time to UAP as they interact with and/or refer residents
to the UAP program.
Given that IQAP and MAP represent reduced rates, the program estimates dollars ‘saved’ by
customers as a method of estimating dollars invested in UAP programming. In other words,
dollars saved represents revenue forgone for the CFCU in pursuit of a larger social goal. IQAP,
for example, found actual customer savings of $137,614 in 2019. Project staff expect the 2020
savings to increase due to rate increases.
Funds available for distribution within the PAF vary annually. The PAF is replenished by
agreements with Energy Outreach Colorado who matches CFCU dollars 1:1 to support
customers needing payment assistance. Additionally, unclaimed utilities funds are also annually
deposited into the PAF and individual community donors may opt to pay into the PAF directly
with an individual contribution31. From these sources, between $120,000-$160,000 are annually
pooled for the PAF.
COORDINATION WITH LEAP
The income verification step required by all City rebate and reduced-fee programs represents a
time and data-intensive burden for staff. The processes require that departments provide
training and follow adequate data security measures to ensure the privacy of participant data
(see Appendix C, IQAP program process).
For IQAP, the coordination with the state-managed LEAP provides the following benefits:
1. Reduces the CFCU/UAP burden of income verification and eliminates a second round of
income verification requirements for applicants.
2. Ensures low-income people are receiving information about additional, necessary
energy/water assistance services available through State/local partners for services
including weatherization and conservation education.
3. Provides increased program visibility via LEAP outreach that occurs through other local
LEAP administrators such as non-profit agencies, etc.
4. Provides additional promotional opportunities via LEAP outreach assets, e.g., mobile
LEAP application van at pop-up events, etc.
A list of potential IQAP applicants is circulated quarterly between LEAP and the UAP. The UAP
uses this list to identify potential IQAP customers and verify LEAP status (which is a prerequisite
31 For example, unclaimed funds deposited into the PAF in 2018 and 2019 were $50,866 and $59,327, respectively.
2019 FTE 2019
Budgeted
Personnel 2.35 (spread
over 5 people) $129,740
Programmatic $16,939
Annual program
spending in 2019 $146,679
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for IQAP participation). The UAP team does not verify
income but does require an additional application apart
from the original LEAP application. The steps in
identifying IQAP participants include:
1. Verification that individuals on the ‘master LEAP
list’ are in fact CFCU customers. Staff must also
identify the type of service received (i.e.,
wastewater, water, wastewater and electricity). In 2019, total LEAP participation with a
Fort Collins address was 1,652.
2. Sending this ‘verified list’ back to LEAP, whereby LEAP inserts additional sensitive
information (mailing address, home type, etc.). In 2019, 29% of LEAP-enrolled
individuals are not verified CFCU customers.
3. Upon receipt of the verified member list from LEAP, UAP may conduct marketing and
outreach to grow IQAP membership or quickly verify LEAP status if a LEAP participant
decides to participate in IQAP.
Even though IQAP applicants enrolled in LEAP have already had their income verified, the
CFCU requires an additional IQAP application for enrollment. Staff designing the original
program in 2014 had recommended an auto-enroll option once LEAP verification and CFCU
customer status was confirmed. When the pilot eventually began, a then-Councilperson
requested an additional IQAP application (which included an affidavit). Conversations among a
new Council, Executive Leadership and UAP staff in 2019 have signaled renewed interest in
understanding the merits of auto-enrollment without a separate application. Recently, Executive
Leadership has asked for additional information about the need and use of affidavits for the
City’s public benefit programs32.
OUTREACH
Nonprofit partners surveyed within the community indicated a strong familiarity with the program
(Figure 9). This year, the IQAP program was promoted by CFCU and LEAP at various Larimer
County Conservation Corps events like the ‘How to Read Your Bill’ training in January 2019. It
was also promoted at other community
events like the Jax Homestead Day, the
Work Life Balance Resource Fair, the
CSU Career Discussion Panel and
various CFCU billing trainings held at the
Senior Center. IQAP outreach also
benefits from ‘pop-up’ outreach provided
by the mobile LEAP van. The van arrives
at various community events throughout
the year such as events put on by Larimer
County, the Lions Club, CSU, and
provides on-site enrollment.
The PAF, however, functions via referrals
from non-profit agencies working with low-
income individuals and families who are at
risk of immediate utility shut-. CFCU may
also identify individuals and families via
32 January 2020 memo entitled City of Fort Collins Public Benefits and Legal Status Requirements Memorandum.
Figure 9: Community awareness of UAP programming
In the 2018-2019 pilot year,
CFCU’s IQAP program reached
~60% of eligible, LEAP qualified
participants.
Energy-related
rebates (UAP)
94%
Unaware
6%
COMMUNITY AWARENESS
OF UAP PROGRAMMING
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Customer Service Representatives.
OPERATION
33 Figures on participation and savings are current as of December 2019. In 2019, ~700 residents participated in
IQAP of an available pool of 1,144 LEAP-qualified residents living in Fort Collins and receiving utilities from CFCU.
34 This threshold is set by Energy Outreach Colorado, a statewide nonprofit agency that manages energy poverty
work on behalf of the State and matches CFCU funds devoted to energy assistance 1:1.
35 Savings are relative to non-discounted Utilities customers. Figures for MAP reflect 2019 August Year-to-Date.
UAP At a Glance33 PAF – emergency utility assistance Key Facts
x 350 participants for
2018-’19 season.
Rebate impact
x PAF allocates
approximately.
$80,000 to families.
x Average customer
benefit $250/month.
Application/requirements
x Applicant utility account must be in arrears.
Income Verification
x Income verification is typically done through a non-profit
partner.
x Income threshold is 80% Larimer County AMI34.
Key Focus
x PAF is focused on one-time, emergency assistance.
x It is not intended to mitigate chronic poverty issues. MAP – medical utility assistance Key Facts
x 167 participants in
2019.
Rebate impact
x Average savings
were between $86-
$185 annually,
depending on
medical device use
and corresponding
rate code.
x MAP customers
saved ~22% on their
overall energy bill in
201935.
Application/requirements
x Unique application is required and managed by UAP (Appendix
E).
x Medical justification described and signed-for by a medical
doctor.
Income Verification
x Income is self-reported via applicant and not typically verified by
the CFCU.
x Income threshold is 60% Larimer County AMI.
Key Concerns
x MAP and IQAP can be duplicative. Staff recommended back in
2014 that the MAP program be phased out once IQAP was
established.
x IQAP tends to be a better rate for low-income customers who
qualify. IQAP – reduced utility rate Key Facts
x ~700 monthly
participants in 2019.
Rebate impact
x ~23% discount applied
x Participants saved an
average of 19% for
electric, 20% for water,
23% for wastewater.
Application/requirements
x LEAP application & acceptance is required.
x IQAP application and affidavit required (Appendix D).
x Must be a verified CFCU utilities customer.
Income Verification
x Income is verified via the state-managed LEAP program.
x Income threshold for LEAP is165% of Federal Poverty Line.
For the 2019/2020 season, this changed to 60% State Median
Income, effectively expanding the pool of eligible households.
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MAP participants are typically identified through conversations with customers or through
referrals (other customers, non-profits, etc.). CFCU does not typically conduct direct outreach
for MAP, nor do they target specific individuals. There is ongoing discussion in Utilities about
program redundancy for MAP, given the launch of the IQAP.
In general, the UAP team benefits from a CFCU department-wide system housed within the
CFCU Customer Connections department that tracks outreach efforts in a systematic and
standardized way. The department’s prioritization of systematic data capture, combined with
adequate documentation, ensures the UAP team uses historical and current data to identify
what the program has done and benchmark against future progress.
PARTICIPATION PATTERNS
With the pilot year completed, a picture of who is participating in IQAP is beginning to emerge.
However, it will take several years of data to fully understand exactly what is driving participation
numbers and how individual and household characteristics (family size, geography, socio-
economic factors, etc.) describe participants (see Appendix B for geographical participation
patterns).
Individuals and families dealing with energy poverty fall into one or more categories, each of
which are served by a specific UAP program:
x The chronically poor, often on fixed incomes. These individuals and families are not
pushed into poverty via sudden events or macroeconomic changes but have insufficient
income regardless of any complicating external circumstances (Energy Outreach
Colorado Interviews, 2019). These are customers best served by the IQAP and LEAP.
x The temporarily or suddenly poor individuals and families. This includes those
experiencing a sudden, acute economic shock. These customers are best served by the
PAF.
x Individuals managing disabilities or medical issues. Many of these individuals and
families could be served by the IQAP but are currently served by the MAP. Importantly, it
is not known exactly how many people qualify for MAP but would not qualify for IQAP.
CUSTOMER AND COMMUNITY SATISFACTION
At the close of the first pilot year (2018-2019), the CFCU program manager for the IQAP ran a
survey to understand the impact and satisfaction of customers participating in the inaugural
IQAP program. Out of the 137 participants who filled out the survey, 42% replied with a
comment specifically calling out the benefit of reduced stress or satisfaction with a lower bill.
Nearly that same amount also cited the additional benefit of conservation education, a key part
of the IQAP program.
Key Concerns
x MAP and IQAP can be duplicative. Staff recommended back in
2014 that the MAP program be phased out once IQAP was
established.
x Lack of auto-enroll means that applicants to IQAP must fill out
another application in addition to LEAP.
x IQAP tends to be a better rate for low income customers so
many MAP customers are pushed to apply for IQAP instead.
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After the completion of the pilot, additional
research will be done to evaluate participant
experiences. However, survey evidence suggests
that respondent non-profits supporting low-
income individuals and families in Fort Collins are
satisfied with the CFCU income-qualified assistance program. In part, the linking of the IQAP
program with LEAP qualification means non-profit and community organizations are better able
to leverage a single verification process for enrolling an individual and family into a more holistic
set of services.
PROGRAM-SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS
As the pilot year of IQAP ends, an upcoming review with a year’s worth of data will tell a lot
about how the program is functioning, who is benefitting, and where improvements may be
made. Even without a complete dataset, several recommendations are outlined in this report
(see the adjacent table). The recommendations include structural changes, like the elimination
of the MAP program, strategic changes like the identification of goals and objectives beyond
simply administering the program, and systematic improvements like an improved customer
feedback survey. Assessing how many MAP customers would not qualify for IQAP should be
undertaken before elimination of the MAP program. However, even if 50% didn’t qualify (~80
current MAP participants), the pool is small enough for CFCU to consider ‘grandfathering’ any
unqualified individuals into the IQAP program.
Importantly, the program management staff running the UAP program enjoy strong community
collaboration and are very much admired and respected for their hard work in the community.
While they may improve by standardizing and strengthening a customer feedback survey, the
UAP team benefits from a department-wide system (CFCU Customer Connections) to track
outreach efforts. This department infrastructure enables the team to use historical data to
identify what they have done (benchmarking) and what they can do to improve (goalsetting). A
2020 outreach action plan is currently being developed. A summary of recommendations may
be found in the adjacent table.
42% of surveyed IQAP customers specifically
called out the benefit of reduced stress and
satisfaction with a lower bill.
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Improvement area Notable progress
Improvement &
recommendation Recommendation rationale
Structure IQAP was
successfully
launched and
progressed through
first pilot year.
1. Merge MAP with
IQAP and remove
duplication.
MAP is a small program that
requires significant staff
management. Alongside the
IQAP it is redundant, as most
users of MAP could be rolled into
the IQAP and receive
comparable benefits.
Strategy Targeted marketing
is occurring with
LEAP (IQAP) but
less for other
programs (PAF,
MAP).
2. Target remaining
residents who
participate in
LEAP but not
IQAP.
3. Identify and
document goals
and objectives.
Continuing to support LEAP
participation (and thus IQAP
participation) with non-profit
partners, events, etc.
Beyond administering the
program, identify long and short-
term goals, create milestones
and further develop a framework
to assess impact.
Systems Successful, close
working relationship
with LEAP program.
Customer service
survey
implemented.
4. Reduce re-work
and redundancies
in developing
IQAP master-list
with LEAP.
5. Formalize and
standardize user-
survey to track
customer
satisfaction.
Work with local LEAP program
officers to eliminate
redundancies in identifying
eligible participants. For
example, eliminate construction
of 3 different lists between LEAP
and the City to identify potential
program participants.
Survey used to assess
participant satisfaction may be
improved to provide greater
insights (better questions, survey
participation incentives and
improved survey design) to
identify what customers value in
IQAP.
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FINANCE REBATES: PROVIDING TAX RELIEF
HISTORY
The Financial Services Area (FSA) within the CoFC has been issuing three types of rebates to
low-income Fort Collins residents since the early 1970s. These include:
x Grocery Tax Rebate (GTR): estimated average annual taxes paid on groceries are
reimbursed. Eligibility: any income-qualified resident.
x Property Tax Rebate (PTR): a proportion of the amount of city property taxes obtained
via property tax issuance (the majority of property tax is levied by the county) is refunded.
If the eligible resident is a renter, a small proportion of annual rental payments are
refunded. Eligibility: any income-qualified resident who is either age 65+ and/or is disabled
or is caring for a disabled household member.
x Utility Tax Rebate (UTR): a portion of relevant city utility taxes (wastewater, electricity
and water) paid as a part of the customer’s overall utility bill are refunded. Eligibility: any
income-qualified resident who is either age 65+ and/or is disabled or is caring for a
disabled household member.
Collectively, the report refers to these three rebates as FSA Rebates.
OBJECTIVES AND ELIGIBILITY EVOLUTION
Ordinances establishing the provision of the PTR (1972) and the UTR (1975)36 focused on two
aspects of eligibility: a resident had to be both elderly and prove that they were low-income (see
application in Appendix F). Over the next 30 years, there was a slight expansion of eligibility
criteria when, in 1980, disabled people were added via Ordinance No. 17.
In 1985, the Ordinance for the administration of the GTR was enacted. Unlike the PTR and
UTR, however, this rebate was not age restricted. Any individual or family who met the low-
income criteria threshold could obtain a City rebate for estimated taxes paid on groceries. Over
the years, other differences between the various Finance rebates were harmonized (for
example, differing income thresholds), but age restriction remains the major difference between
the GTR and the PTR/UTR today.
The income threshold for all the rebates within the FSA Rebate program is 30% of County AMI.
AMI is updated annually by the County in conjunction with the federal Department of Housing
and Urban Development. While AMI is a shared measurement used by LEAP/IQAP, the income
threshold for FSA rebate programs (30%) is much lower than that used by UAP (60%).
Ultimately this means a smaller, much more impoverished pool of participants is eligible for FSA
Rebates.
Importantly, and unlike the Utilities UAP program, the Finance Department continues to verify
income directly and manually37.
36 See Ordinance No. 17, 1980 of the Council of the City of Fort Collins. Also see Chapter 25, Article II, Division 2 of
the City Code
37 See Ordinance No. 17, 1980 of the Council of the City of Fort Collins. Also see Chapter 25, Article II, Division 2 of
the City Code.
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MANAGED AS A ‘SEASONAL’ PROGRAM
As outlined in the original PTR Ordinance in the 1970s, the PTR program in Finance still
functions on a rebate ‘season,’ running from August through October. During that period, the
application window is ‘open,’ meaning submitted applications must be verified, reviewed, and
any deficiencies followed-up on during that three-month period. Rebates and final application
decisions may be made after the October 31 deadline, depending on application volume. While
the window is open, the Sales Tax Team and the Accounts Payable staff manage increased
traffic at the Finance Department front desk, upwards of a 75% increase over normal volume,
on top of normal workloads.
For rebate seekers, all documentation gathering must occur and a complete application must be
submitted before the October 31st deadline. For staff, the application season signals a period
of intense customer contact, outreach to local non-profit partners to elicit their marketing
support, data input and rebate issuance (or rejection). The month(s) before/after the application
window is used for data input, outreach and process improvement.
MANAGED WITH FEW/NO ADDITIONAL RESOURCES
Early in the program, the management of the FSA Rebates was done by a volunteer and later
by an Executive Assistant who managed the program in addition to their full-time role. Not until
the early 2010s were specific funds allocated to hire an hourly worker for three months to help
process applications during the application window. Today, the program is managed by the
Sales and Use Tax department in FSA, where a small but supportive staff of auditors, analysts
and technicians juggle their current workloads with the rebate programs when the season
occurs.
In 2019, Financial Services was successful in adding an additional permanent sales tax
technician to the Revenue Department’s staff. A portion of this position (33%) will be devoted to
the FSA rebate program in order to address issues of continuity and build relationships with
community partners for greater rebate usage and program success.
In addition, the Sales Tax team has recently utilized the City's enterprise wide Accounts
Payable Automation software to process the rebate payment requests, saving the Accounts
Payable staff significant back office work. While this was a change for the Sales Tax team and
illustrated further need for system improvements within the Govern, sales tax software, Sales
Tax team adoption of the standard payment processing system was beneficial in that it resulted
in payment tracking, eliminated duplicate entry from the accounts payable staff, and decreased
the time from payment submission to printed checks.
Importantly, beyond ensuring and improving the ability to take and process applications, there
has been little time allotted for FSA Rebates staff to engage in strategic planning or outreach
innovation. Finance staff associated with the program have leveraged existing City programs
and non-profit partners to ensure cross-promotion of the rebates, but customer-centric outreach
has remained an unstaffed challenge.
PROGRAM BUDGET, OBJECTIVES, OUTREACH AND OPERATION
Operational improvements have been made by dedicated Finance staff who contribute time in
addition to their normal workloads. A strategic plan linking actions (marketing, outreach, etc.) to
long- and short-term goals, however, is absent. As of 2019, short-term operational and long-
term strategic goals need clarification and formalization via improved documentation and
socialization with staff.
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Informally, the FSA Rebate program tracks an annual goal of increasing participation by 10%
based on the previous year’s participation. This goal is documented via the City’s dashboard
metrics. Without a strategic plan articulating actions, identifying community stakeholders, and
linking actions and collaboration efforts to goals, reaching this 10% goal of increased
participation has been elusive in recent years (Figure 11).
After increasing from 2011-2014, overall rebate participation has declined in the last five years,
even as renewed attention has been given to marketing efforts (Figure 10).
As a result, total funds issued to residents decreased from $276,657 in 2014 to less than
$241,762 in 2018 (Figure 10). Out of a program budget of ~$20,000, only approximately $5,000
is dedicated to marketing and outreach.
Figure 100: FSA Rebate Funds Issued vs. Program Cost
The basic operation of the FSA Rebates program is described below (see Appendix H for a
rebate process map).
25,700
24,769
21,350
21,800
22,200
$170,016
$173,244
$152,512
$133,318
$141,561
$63,425
$64,818
$61,321
$52,685
$60,216
$43,261
$43,473
$38,075
$38,738
$39,985
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
REBATED FUNDS ISSUED VS. REBATE PROGRAM
COST
Program cost (labor, programmatic)GTR funds issued PTR funds issued UTR funds issued
Tax Relief: FSA Rebates At-A-Glance
Program-wide facts
x 1172 participants in the 2018 rebate season (across rebate types)
x Approx. $240,000 budgeted dollars for rebates.
x As of 2019, 33% of one FTE (Sales Tax Technician) is a devoted staff resource. Additional support is
given in time donated by full-time, Sales Tax and other FSA staff.
x Little capacity to respond to program participation growth or engage in strategic planning, research
and program development; the priority is keeping the program ‘running.’ Grocery Tax Rebate (GTR) Rebate and rebate amount:
x Flat refund of estimated grocery sales
tax paid. Estimates are calculated
annually.
x Rebate of $64/qualifying household
member.
x 2016 average refund: $117 per
Application Requirements
x Proof of income less than 50% of Larimer
County AMI; and,
x Valid photo ID.
Qualification criteria
x Income;
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PARTICIPATION PATTERNS & CUSTOMER SATISFACTION
DECLINING PARTICIPATION DESPITE A GROWING POOL OF ELIGIBLE
HOUSEHOLDS
Overall participation in the FSA Rebates program has steadily declined over the last five years
(Figure 11). In 2018 there was a slight uptick, but the program has continued to serve a narrow
demographic of older residents who have an average income of just over $16,000 and small
household sizes (1-2 people). Estimates from this study suggest that a growing number of poor,
38 The following calculation is used to determine your property tax: Actual Value x Assessment Rate x Mill Levy / 1000
= Property Tax. Example: $300,000 Actual Value x 7.20% Assessment Rate = $21,600 Assessed Value $21,600
Assessed Value x 86.49 mills/1000 = $1,868.18 tax bill
household application. x No age criteria. Property Tax Rebate (PTR) Rebate and rebate amount
x Reimbursement of the total City property
tax paid on the property for the
preceding year38.
x If renting, 1.44% of annual rent is
reimbursable.
x 2016 average refund: $85 per
household application.
Application requirements
x Proof of Income less than 50% of Larimer
County AMI.
x Valid photo ID.
Qualification criteria
x Income;
x Elderly (65+) and/or disabled. Utility Tax Rebate (UTR) Rebate and rebate amount
x Reimbursement is based on the
average monthly consumption of water,
wastewater, wastewater and electric
services. Applicant is entitled to a refund
only for actual utility services received.
x 2016 average refund: $69 per
household application.
Application requirements
x Proof of Income less than 50% of Larimer
County AMI.
x Valid photo ID.
Qualification criteria
x Income;
x Elderly (65+) and/or disabled.
Figure 11: FSA Rebate program participation
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
FSA REBATE PROGRAM PARTICIPATION
Qualified Applications Target
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working families are not captured in this program and that an updated understanding of the
community’s low-income population is necessary.
Using 2018 rebate usage data and 2016 5-year census estimates, the FSA Rebates program
was estimated to have reached 10-13% of eligible households (7,534 – 10,460 households)
(see Figure 2).
Based on an analysis of participant data, the characteristics of an individual or family leveraging
the City’s FSA Rebates program are as follows:
1. In general, the smaller the household size, the older the applicant. The inverse is
also true: the larger the household size, the younger the applicant.
2. Most applicants are seniors in their mid-sixties (median age across household
sizes is 64).
3. Most applicants come from small
household sizes of 1-2 people
(Figure 15).
4. Median age for an applicant with
three or more people in their
household skews younger… much
younger (median age is ~40).
5. Very low-income. Across household
sizes and over the last five years, a
typical applicant had an income of
approximately $15,300 (median) per
household. For a household of 4, a
typical applicant had a median income
of $20,722 (86% of Federal Poverty
Level).
GEOGRAPHIC AND RESIDENCE-TYPE DIVERSITY
Spatial mapping of participants in the FSA Rebates programs shows wide participation across
the city (see Appendix G). The top 10 addresses used by an applicant only account for 12% of
rebates given over the last five years and typically are characterized as age-restricted locations
or mobile home communities. Beyond the top 10, all remaining applicant addresses identified in
the usage data each account for less than 1%. This suggests wide and diverse applicants
among individual single-family homes, apartment complexes and manufactured/mobile home
parks.
The top five addresses utilizing the FSA Rebates program include the following residential
areas:
1. 3.3%: North College Manufactured Housing Community. Age-restricted (55+ and older)
mobile home park.
2. 1.3% Woodbridge Senior Apartments (age restricted).
3. 1.3%: Hickory Village, mobile home park.
4. 1.1%: West Mulberry mobile Home Park.
5. 1.1% Harmony Village at Harmony Park mobile home park.
Figure 12: FSA Rebates and household size
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COMMUNITY/CUSTOMER SATISFACTION
The Evaluation Team reached out to 25 well-known local non-profit and community partners to
gauge their awareness and direct support of the FSA Rebates program. The survey was taken
by staff at Colorado State University (CSU), UC Health (Community Health Improvement
Program, Healthy Kids Club and other regional programs), Project Self Sufficiency, The Family
Center, Volunteer Income Tax Assistance (VITA) program, the Food Bank of Larimer County
and Energy Outreach Colorado. Additional focus groups and interviews were also granted by
five non-profit and community partners, including the Larimer County Human Services
Department and the state of Colorado Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP).
Nearly 80% of respondents indicated that the clients they served were low-income, with ~70%
being families. While over 90% of the respondents knew about the City’s efforts to reduce utility
costs for low-income families (i.e., the IQAP program), more than 75% weren’t aware of the tax
rebate programs run out of FSA (Figure 13).
Possible reasons for lack of awareness on behalf of non-profit partners include staff turnover at
the non-profits as well as a lack of continuity and poor relationship-building given FSA program
management via a seasonal employee. To be sure, the Finance Department isn’t alone in not
fully leveraging community service providers: none of the rebate programs evaluated had more
than 50% of the non-profits and community partners we surveyed for this report actively
supporting City rebate/reduced-fee programs, either directly (by supporting low-income clients
to fill out applications) or indirectly (via marketing like posters or flyers, or social media
mentions).
AN INCOMPLETE SOLUTION: THE ONLINE APPLICATION SYSTEM
In response to a 2017 Council request –which occurred with no additional budget or
resources—FSA staff was asked to make an online application option available to low-income
residents. FSA staff worked to make an online application available with the tools and
technology available within the department. This meant that FSA staff had to design within
systems that were not at all intended to be user friendly, an external facing application
0% 20% 40% 60% 80%100%
Indirect marketing support (City
posters, flyers, social media)
Direct support (help clients filling out
paperwork)
Unaware of rebate/program
COMMUNITY PARTNER AWARENESS AND
SUPPORT OF CITY REBATE PROGRAMS
Rec. low-fee program Fin. Services (Utility, property, grocery tax)IQAP program
Figure 13: Community Partner Awareness
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management tool. Users and staff alike found this work-around to be a challenge and have
suggested requesting additional funding for a well-designed application management system.
Originally, the objectives of utilizing an online application opportunity included:
x For the City, less time spent doing ‘re-work’ for missing/incomplete applications.
x For applicants, no need to make a special trip to City offices, greater flexibility to submit a
complete application at their convenience.
In the 2018 and 2019 rebate seasons, only approximately 10% of all applications were
submitted online. For staff, the online FSA Rebates application (designed within the existing
Govern platform used, among other things, for sales tax management) has generated significant
issues. For example, the improvised online system does not adequately coordinate documents
and typically requires staff to do a lot of re-work to track down missing application components.
Moreover, when an applicant successfully identifies the online application portal, the directions
posted are confusing and s/he must navigate equally confusing questions about applicable file
types accepted and required documentation.
PROGRAM-SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS
The UTR, GTR and STR, which together make up the FSA Rebates program, have never been
reviewed or evaluated—though various improvements to the original ordinances have occurred
(e.g., the inclusion of ‘disabled individuals’ as a part of the target group in the 1980s, etc.). With
a partially dedicated FTE, the FSA Rebates program could benefit from improved service
continuity, non-profit relationship management, and strategic objective development. Of course,
this will depend on how much time is actually allocated to the FSA Rebates program, given the
heavy workload of the Sales and Use Tax team. Strategic planning and clear goal definition will
help deduce what is required for FSA Rebate program success in terms of staff time, roles and
responsibilities.
In contrast to the use of a seasonal contractor (for 4 months, 33% of the time over a year), a
year-round salaried FTE will devote the equivalent amount of time in combination with duties as
a Sales Tax Technician. Notably, this is thus not net increase in staff capacity (as there is still
only 33% of a FTE devoted), but this FTE does address the continuity issue of service provision
and relationship management. By contrast, an additional resource could help manage and
accelerate program participation, should that
be illuminated as a Council priority.
Regardless of the objectives around program
participation growth and adequate resource
allocation, the long-term use of a seasonal
contractor has had consequences. It is one
reason why the wider community (as identified
in surveys and interviews with nonprofit
partners) has little understanding of program’s
operation and why the installment of a
permanent staffer to field questions, build
relationships, and maintain overall continuity is so important. Moving forward, these non-profit
partnerships will remain essential for successful municipal low-income programming, as low-
income populations are not only logistically difficult to reach but expensive for cities to
adequately to reach on their own.
Resourcing constraints:
In 2020, a newly created Sales and Use
Tax Technician position will address a
backlog of sales tax related duties and
spend 33% of their time on the FSA
Rebates program. The ability for this person
to manage program participation growth,
however, is unlikely.
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Reducing age-specific criteria for the PTR could expand eligibility for the families already
accessing the GTR, but currently unqualified for the PTR. The combination of the PTR + GTR
may financially incentivize low-income residents to apply for the FSA Rebates, despite the work
and coordination required (e.g., arranging childcare, transportation, etc.) for these households to
submit applications in-person to the City.
Combining the PTR with the GTR also achieves the following:
x Reduces staff burden and operational costs. Managing and monitoring divergent
participation criteria for different Finance rebates is a ‘heavy lift’ for an already under-
resourced program.
x Ensures equity, targets the neediest. When the age criteria were adopted for the
PTR/UTR in the 1970s/1980s, it is probable seniors were a population with a high—
perhaps the highest--likelihood of poverty. Today however, the most impoverished people
in Fort Collins are women, including adult women between ages 35-54 and senior women
over age 55 (see discussion on pages 14-17). Though seniors still represent a vulnerable
population, Fort Collins today clearly has a high proportion of working families and adults
in poverty. With stagnating usage of the PTR, extending PTR to cover more people who
need it, would achieve participation increase objectives.
x More money into the hands of low-income people, especially families. A female-
headed household is more than 25% more likely to experience poverty with significant
lifelong impacts for children. Research shows incremental household funds typically go to
benefit children, and that interventions that benefit children have long-term positive effects
on economies and societies.39.
Eliminating the UTR has positive benefits for the City, the FSA, the IQAP program and
low-income customers. Verifying CFCU customer status between CFCU and FSA is a lengthy
and burdensome process for staff. Directing interested customers to the IQAP/LEAP program
instead, could better utilize an existing City service and strengthen a state-wide program (i.e.,
LEAP). For low-income customers, attaining a long-term solution—a permanently lower utility
rate—is almost certainly preferable to an annual cash rebate.
Eliminating the UTR could also reduce a portion of the administrative burden of the FSA
Rebates program and free up time and resources for the important—but currently not
completed—marketing and relationship-building work that needs to be undertaken for the
GTR/PTR rebates.
FSA Rebate program staff should also consider how to identify and obtain resources for
improving the online application system. Knowing that low-income families are constrained by
transportation, childcare and other costs, an online application means that low-income people
working multiple jobs and managing the high costs of city living are able to submit applications
in a time and manner convenient for them. A summary of recommendations may be found in the
adjacent table.
39 UNICEF (2019). https://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/index_53294.html Accompanying report:
https://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/files/Investing_in_Children_19June2012_e-version_FINAL.pdf
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40 GTR participants are the largest group of Financial Services Rebate users. UTR rebate users, if they do not qualify
via LEAP, could possibly be grandfathered into the UAP program.
41 The UAP program eliminated income verification by accepting LEAP enrollment (whereby income is verified by a
state-funded program) in lieu of UAP-specific program income verification.
Component
Notable Progress Improvement &
recommendation Recommendation rationale
Structure
Dedicated FTE
was resourced to
the project in fall
2019.
(1) Ensure adequate FTE
coverage of the FSA
rebate program.
(2) Merge GTR and PTR
into a single rebate by
removing age-specific
criteria of PTR.
(3) Eliminate UTR in lieu
of pushing participants
towards CFCU IQAP
program40.
With a new 2019 FTE spending 33% of
their time on the FSA Rebates program,
FSA has made progress toward service
continuity. However, should Council
prioritize program growth, adequate
resourcing should be considered.
Merging the GTR and PTR streamlines
and creates value in the following ways:
a. Reduces staff burden and
operational costs.
b. Ensures equity, targets the
neediest.
c. Puts more money into the hands of
low-income families.
Strategy
Pending
prioritization from
the Sales Tax
office and
workload, the
dedicated FTE
resource in Sales
Tax may be able
to devote time to
strategic planning.
(4) Identify and document
goals and objectives of
FSA Rebate program.
(5) Standardize customer
service feedback
opportunities.
(6) Increase
marketing/outreach
efforts.
Beyond simply administering a
program, identify long and short-term
goals, create milestones and further
develop a framework for assessing
impact.
Adequate customer feedback is not
currently obtained for assessing
satisfaction and opportunities for design
and process improvement. Budget and
staff time is not optimized to meet
outreach needs.
Systems
Appeals to Council
and clarification of
ordinances have
previously been
made to include
new vulnerable
groups (e.g.,
disabled people).
(7) Make application year-
round.
(8) Provide resources to
improve online
application option.
(9) Consider ways to
eliminate income
verification.
In contrast to other city programs, the
FSA Rebate program still operates as a
seasonal program, in part because it is
under-resourced to grow program
participation. Seasonal programs are
challenging for applicants who must
juggle yet another benefit timeline.
The current online application option
has not been designed-for, nor created
with, actual users. It’s not only difficult to
use, but typically requires additional
work for staff to track down missing
application components.
Income verification is an extremely
burdensome step for City staff; time
could be better spent on targeted
marketing and customer engagement 41.
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RECREATION REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM: IMPROVING
QUALITY OF LIFE
HISTORY
The Recreation department in the CoFC has provided a low-income rate for use of facilities
and/or classes since at least the early ‘90s. The Evaluation Team found little historical
documentation about the department’s or City’s approach to providing low-income recreation
programming prior to a 1992 Ordinance42 that outlined the rate at which discounts would be
applied. That Ordinance reads:
“…a fee reduction for designated low-income people will receive a discount
equivalent to 1/3 of the published fee for a City-offered sports, drop-in
recreation, wellness, or arts and crafts programs.” –Resolution 91-156
In 2016, however, opportunities for low-income families and individuals were reviewed by
Recreation staff43. A department-wide team (Reduced-Fee Action Team) gathered throughout
2016-2017 to consider how to better serve low-income populations by focusing on44:
1. Financial and eligibility barriers for low-income residents
2. The application process (simplification for applicants and department administration)
3. Marketing, awareness and streamlined communications
2017 REVISIONING
The Reduced-Fee Action Team’s review included community outreach and a citizen survey in
addition to benchmarking. The team also reviewed Recreation’s fee structure, conducted
outreach directly with the community and consulted with community partners like the Poudre
School District and various non-profits about what a new reduced-fee program might include.
The three phases of the outreach review included (1) research, participant feedback analysis
and needs establishment, (2) visits with boards and City departments to discuss proposed
changes and (3) direct community outreach. The latter included a 10-question survey for
community members interested in a revision of the reduced-fee program45.
As part of the research phase, a peer-city review was completed. The Action Team reached out
to in-state cities like Longmont, Windsor, Thornton, Greeley and Westminster, in addition to
other U.S. cities including Lincoln, Burbank, Ann Arbor, Provo, and Boise. The Action Team’s
findings illuminated ‘both consistencies and inconsistencies between Fort Collins and other
communities offering a reduced-fee recreation program for low-income residents46.
In addition to hosting focus groups and open houses, an outreach survey was extended by the
Recreation Department. It received over 200 responses. Respondents indicated strong support
for an online reduced-fee program application and registration, year-round application
acceptance, and possible changes to program costs. At the time, the community indicated
popular support for both the existence of the program and the revisioning effort.
42 Resolution 91-156, “Cultural, Library and Recreational Services Fes and Charges Schedule.”
43 Recreation Department Reduced-fee Program and Proposed Updates
44 Recreation Department ‘Reduced-Fee Action Team.’ First meeting agenda from 11/14/2016
45 2017 Report for Recreation Reduced-fee Program Survey
46 The Evaluation Team did not review this peer-review report or the accompanying analysis.
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The Action Team’s recommendations were addressed and implemented in the fall of 2017.
Changes to Recreation rates are outlined in the chart below. Fee discounts for recreation
programs are now available to all permanent residents who demonstrate a financial need,
regardless of age or ability. If a student within Poudre School District (PSD) qualifies for free or
reduced lunch benefits, that student’s family also qualifies for the reduced-fee recreation
program with submission of a letter of free-and-reduced lunch status.
47 Standard fee schedule for an annual pass as of Jan. 2020 is the following: $207/youth; $306/adult; $207/senior;
$495/family or couple. https://www.fcgov.com/recreation/recpass
Change
Type Prior Approach 2017 Changes
Discount
rates47
x Individual pass: $25 per 6
months
x Child pass cost: $6 per 6
months
x Individual adult pass: $25, per year
x Individual youth/60+ senior pass: $6 per year
x Family/couple pass: $40 per unit, unlimited kids, per
year
What’s
discounted
x Drop-in rate for facilities
(unlimited)
x Fitness class discount:
Adult, 50%. Senior, Youth,
Adaptive Recreation, 90%
x Adult activity: 50% discount,
4 per year
x Youth activity: 100%
discount, 4 per year
x Drop-in rate for facilities (unlimited)
x Fitness class discount: 70% for all classes
x Tiered class and activities discounts. Community/
team-based sports programs discounted at a higher
rate (introductory soccer, group swimming) than
advanced, individualized programs (e.g., private
lessons)
x No limit on programs/classes discounted per year
x A separate pass for Adaptive Recreation users was
eliminated in favor of using a single “reduced-fee”
pass type
Application
window Every 6 months must renew Membership good for one-year
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Additional Recreation reduced-fee program changes are outlined in the next chart,
accompanied by their current status. In 2019, additional improvements were made in
collaboration with the City’s process improvement team (FC Lean), specifically around
improving and simplifying the application document.
2017 Reduced-Fee
Action Team
recommendation
Implementation Progress as of
2019 Notes
Development of an
online application
process
Partially completed
Enrollment in programs can occur
online, but only after a reduced-fee
application has been submitted
(verification and submission must
happen in person). Online application
submission has not been completed.
Tiered discounts
based on levels of
proficiency
(introductory,
intermediate and
advanced)
Completed See information on previous page.
Unlimited enrollment
in all recreation
programs (no longer
capped at 4 per year)
Completed See information on previous page.
Simplified
application, year-
round application
acceptance
Completed
Applications are now accepted year-
round.
The new application is shorter (2
pages versus 5 pages) with focused,
streamlined information. It also
provides information on what benefits
are included. The new application
was published on November 1, 2019.
Reduced-fee program
communications and
awareness plan
Not completed
Recreation staff have not yet
developed a communications plan
specific to the reduced-fee recreation
program.
Purchase of a
(discounted) drop-in
pass is required for
benefits to be
activated
Completed See information on previous page.
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CURRENT PROGRAM
GOALS AND OBJECTIVES
The revised reduced-fee recreation program is underpinned by a vision to make recreation
opportunities available to diverse and disadvantaged communities across Fort Collins. This
includes children and their families who qualify based on PSD’s free/reduced lunch, even if that
child lives outside of Fort Collins city limits48.
While short-term operational goals for the revised program have been enumerated, long-term
strategic goals (e.g., what percent of disadvantaged communities should be reached?) were not
articulated. In a 2019 memo to Executive Leadership49, the stated goals included:
x Simplify Reduced-fee Program application and registration process (the online application
/ registration option).
x Simplify Reduced-fee Program application process (offerings, process improvements).
x Simplify Reduced-fee program administration (generate consistencies in discounting
programs).
x Simplify approval/eligibility period.
These 2019 goals clarify how to improve the program’s efficiency. They are operational, not
strategic goals. Strategic goals give direction and estimate the type and degree of impact
expected and desired. Strategic goals support a vision and are measurable, usually with one or
two major indicators. While operational goals ask “how” work gets done, strategic goals answer
“what” is being accomplished. The current Recreation reduced-fee program, like the UAP and
FSA Rebates, lacks strategic goals.
48 Evaluation interviews with Recreation Dept. staff, 2019.
49 Executive Leadership Memo dated February 28, 2019, to Darin Atteberry, City Manager, from Bob Adams,
Recreation Director.
Recreation Reduced-Fee Program At-A-Glance
Program-wide facts
x 5,130 applicants were approved in 2018 for a reduced-fee pass
x $190,000 was approved for reduced-fee scholarships for youth in 2018
x $24,837 was approved for reduced-fee discounts for adult enrollments
x Reduced-fee pass holders visited recreation facilities over 35,000 times in 2018
Rebate and rebate amount
Recreation pass: Drop in pass is $25 (individual),
$6 senior/youth, $40 (family). Pass includes:
x Fitness class discount: 70% for all classes.
x Discounts are tiered for classes and activities.
Application Requirements
x 185% FPL or verification via enrollment in a
state/federal assistance program including
Free/Reduced Lunch program through PSD,
x Valid photo ID for any applicant/member over 18,
x Proof of residency, and
x Completed application (Appendix K).
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APPLICATION MANAGEMENT AND ONLINE ACCESS
A new application was developed in conjunction with the process improvement team (FC Lean)
in 2019. This shorter, simplified application was released for public use in November 2019.
Since 2017, applicants are still required to submit their application in person (or by mail) along
with documentation confirming residency, lawful presence in the United States and income. An
online application process whereby the applicant submits materials that are verified fully online,
is not currently available. Required application documents include:
x Identification. Legally recognized driver’s license, military ID., etc.
x Residency. Residency proof including a Fort Collins utility bill or three pieces of official
mail, to the applicant at a City of Fort Collins address.
x Proof of income eligibility using 185% of FPL. Applicants must show income (tax
returns) under 185% of FPL, or PSD reduced/free lunch eligibility, or enrollment in state or
federal assistance program (e.g., Medicare, WIC, Social Security).50
In 2017, a resource guide was given to front desk recreation staff at various recreation facilities
to help staff assess acceptable income verification documents for a reduced-fee membership.
Required documentation for enrollment is extensive.
Reduced-fee applications are processed manually (Figure 14). Importantly, the documents
required for an application are not only numerous, but also require disclosure of an applicant’s
personal and private information. An application managed as shown below takes between 7-10
business days to complete (see Appendix I for full program process map).
Figure 14: Recreation Reduced-fee program application flow
Once an individual or family is signed up with a reduced-fee pass, online registration for specific
classes or programs occurs easily via the Recreator portal.
50 185% FPL in 2018 was equivalent to a maximum income of $47,638 for a family of 4 or a maximum income of
$23,107 for a single individual.
1. Patron prints/ fills out
application (returns via
mail or in-person at any
Recreation facility)
2. Front desk recives
application, reviews for
completeness
3. Copies are made of
original documents,
originals are returned to
applicant
4. Front desk staff notes
application submission in
'shared excel log'
5. If received in person,
application is inter-office
mailed to Recreation
staff who approve/deny
6. If approved,
application details are
entered into Rec Trac.
7. Recreation staff
shreds application
materials
8. Applicant is notified of status of
application, available benefits if
approved, and locations to purchase
required pass
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In its review of the application process, the Evaluation Team noted a patchwork of systems
used by staff to get application documents routed and ultimately approved by assigned
Recreation staff. These include interoffice mail and notations made in online shared documents.
The Evaluation Team was unable to verify how and when application documents are shredded.
Without a formalized, secure system in place, the Evaluation team noted there is opportunity for
sensitive applicant information to be copied, lost or misused.
COMMUNICATION AWARENESS PLAN AND OUTREACH
There is no marketing plan nor marketing efforts specifically targeted for the Reduced-Fee
Recreation program outside of general Recreation marketing. This includes marketing
(advertisements) in the Recreator, a comprehensive community resource guide that offers
information on the City of Fort Collins’ Recreation facilities, classes, programs, events and
overall community activities. It is published quarterly. Information on the reduced-fee program
may also be obtained on the department website.
To communicate the reduced-fee
program the Recreation Department
depends on grassroots outreach via
community partners like Sava, the
Murphy Center, Columbine Health, and
Title I51 schools with Poudre School
District (PSD). Staff members at the
Northside Aztlan Center occasionally do
outreach directly with these
organizations on the reduced-fee
program.
A survey extended for the purposes of
this evaluation asked 17 individuals
from nine of the major non-profits in
town about their awareness of the
reduced-fee recreation program. Over
80% indicated some level of familiarity,
suggesting successful external partner
engagement (Figure 15).
PROGRAM BUDGET, OBJECTIVES, OUTREACH AND OPERATION
The reduced-fee program is managed without dedicated resources. Responsibility is shared
among multiple hourly staff at the front desk as well as salaried full-time employees (a Business
Support Specialist III, a Financial Analyst II, Supervisors, etc.) who take on this work as part of
their wider Recreation Department duties.
BUDGET
The reduced-fee program is not managed as a clearly delineated program with fully dedicated
program staff, a clearly defined budget and a scope of work unique to that program. Tasks
associated with management of the reduced-fee program are diffused into the workloads of
various recreation staff.
51 Title 1 schools are those known to have high concentrations of low-income students. With this designation, a Title 1
school can receive additional federal funding for providing services to low income students.
Figure 15: Reduced-fee Recreation Program: Community/nonprofit
awareness
Aware of
reduced fee
program
88%
Unaware
12%
NONPROFIT AWARENESS
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Without a delineated budget, for purposes of this evaluation study, the Recreation staff and the
evaluation team attempted to reverse-engineer a budget based on associated personnel costs
and programmatic (material-related) costs (see adjacent table).
Annual revenue increases (losses) due to
the existence of the program were not
estimated for the following reason: it is
unknown how many low-income
individuals would have bought a reduced-
fee pass without the discount. For the
number who would have bought a pass
even without a discount, there exists a
revenue loss. For those that would not
have bought a pass without a discount,
there exists an argument for a revenue
gain. The exact proportion of each is
unknown, though with more research
some estimates could reasonably be made.
PARTICIPATION PATTERNS & CUSTOMER SATISFACTION
Participation in the reduced-fee program has swelled from 4,402 in 2014 to more than 5,000
individual participants in 2018. The five-year average between 2014-2018 is 4,880 total
participants. A primary applicant is an adult applicant who signs up themselves or themselves
plus a family, for participation in the program. In 2018, 2,349 primary applicants (i.e., household
units) were enrolled in the reduced-fee program.
Specific characteristics of an individual or family leveraging the City’s program are as follows:
1. They are mostly families. More than 80% of primary applicants sign up 2+ people.
2. Primary applicants are mostly women. Over 70% of primary applicants are women.
3. Women typically sign up bigger families. The average size of a reduced-fee family is 3
people. When the primary applicant
is a female, the average family size
increases to 4 people.
4. Adults (ages 19-59 years) are
shrinking as a user base. This age
demographic shrank by
approximately 10% over the last five
years (Figure 16)
5. Senior participation is growing.
As a proportion of the larger pool of
participants, senior-aged users have
steadily grown from 3% (2014) to
more than 5% (2018)
6. Seniors experience high
enrollment turnover. Over 80% of
seniors participating in a given year
obtained their pass in the prior 1-2 years.
2019 FTE 2019 Actual Costs
Personnel 0.6
(spread
over 5
people)
$79,600
Programmatic $4,305
Annual
program
spending in
2019
$83,905
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
PASS HOLDERS (AGE)
Youth (<18)Adults (19-59)Seniors (60+)
Figure 16: Average age of reduced-fee pass holders
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Less than 9% have had a pass for three years or longer.
7. High turnover suggests a dynamic user base. Annually, close to 50% of patrons did
not have a pass the prior year.
Mapping the location of reduced-fee pass holders suggests that the program is widespread
around the City, including in areas that are outside the City boundaries but within PSD. The
north and northwest corner of the city have the highest concentration of reduced-fee pass
holders (Appendix J).
In March of 2019, the recreation department extended a customer satisfaction survey (n=130)
and identified that Reduced-fee program changes were supported by the community members
surveyed (Figure 17).
PROGRAM-SPECIFIC RECOMMENDATIONS
The reduced-fee program has been successfully integrated into all Recreation department
functions and there is significant program support and familiarity within the community and
among community partners. Compared to the other evaluated City Rebate programs, the
reduced-fee program serves a large number of low-income people—especially families-- each
year. The program has taken important steps to improve the application process and offer
access to recreation opportunities for the range of individuals and families that live in Fort
Collins. Notably, the application has just benefitted from a FC Lean intervention, which cut the
application down from five pages to one (Appendix K). The application now is simpler to
understand and expedites completion, design factors that are known to be of great importance
for low-income customers.
Broadly, the Recreation reduced-fee program would benefit from balancing a strong focus on
operational improvement with a focus on long-term strategic impact. What does the recreation
program seek to accomplish in the long term? Are short-term operational changes working in
tandem with that larger vision and with articulated strategic goals? As of now, a strategy guiding
operational action is missing.
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Online
Registration
Unlimited
Enrollments
Applications
accepted year
round
Automated
discounts
applied during
registration
process.
Levels of
Recreation
programs (into,
intermediate
and advanced).
Expanded and
improved
eligibility
period.
Mandatory
discounted
Recreation pass
with unlimited
drop-in visits to
enroll in
program.
PROGRAM CHANGES & CUSTOMER
SATISFACTION
Very Satisfied + Satisfied
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Part of the imbalance between strategic and operational goals is the fact that the reduced-fee
program is not thought of as ‘traditional’ program, i.e., a standalone program with a dedicated
program manager, a specific communications plan, etc. The reduced-fee program is
‘everyone’s’ job in Recreation, which means that targeted communications and specific
responsibilities for this program’s success lie with everybody, but also with no one in particular.
High-level questions about program effectiveness often don’t land squarely in any staff
member’s workplan. Establishing clear ownership and milestones around who (or what
department) is responsible for program growth and development may lead to programmatic
improvements.
Finally, various systematic improvements could help with city-wide rebate alignment and
customer-centric security. Strengthening the application systems that handle sensitive
information and working toward a centralized city-wide approach could decrease the data
privacy risk and reduce the burden on Recreation staff as well as other relevant service areas
like the FSA. With a standardization of low-income eligibility criteria and use of a common
application across the City, an alignment of rebate programs may be achieved. In the meantime,
Recreation may consider steps to align with other city rebate/reduced-fee programs that use
AMI for the income threshold (like UAP/LEAP and FSA Rebates), instead of 185% FPL.
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Improvement area
Notable Progress Improvement &
recommendation Recommendation rationale
Strategy The program
reaches a significant
number of low-
income households.
A strong
collaboration with the
PSD has contributed
to high levels of
participation from
families.
(1) Balance the
operational
focus by
articulating a
long-term,
strategic plan.
(2) Design and
execute a
communications
plan, include
outreach goals
and key
partners.
Beyond goals around program
administration and operations,
there are not clearly articulated
strategic goals. What’s the long-
term objective of the program?
What is the program trying to
accomplish? How are
operational goals in service to
long-term goal(s)?
Let data insights guide goals
and inform long-term and short-
term targets. For example, a
goal might be to target adults
(ages 19-59), given that this
user group is shrinking. Develop
new operational goals once
previous operational goals (e.g.,
providing a year-round
application window) are
accomplished.
Complete work of establishing
and executing
marketing/communications plan.
Staff & structure Front desk staff at
any recreation center
are able to accept
applications.
(3) Identify program
ownership,
program
boundaries.
Specific operational tasks are
absorbed into duties of multiple
staff making accountability and
leadership difficult. Who is
responsible for managing the
program? Clarify which staff are
charged with various tasks,
including marketing/relationship
management within the
community.
Systems Revised application
in 2019 simplified
application steps and
made process much
easier to understand.
(4) Strengthen
systems
handling
sensitive
application
materials.
(5) Provide online
application
option.
(6) Align eligibility
criteria with City
Rebates
programs, using
AMI instead of
FPL.
A single, City-wide income-
eligibility application could
eliminate the burden of income
verification for front desk
Recreation staff while improving
security. Inter-office transfer of
copies of sensitive documents
among staff poses risks for
resident privacy.
Complete work of providing an
online application option.
Measure poverty using a locally
appropriate measure (% of AMI)
consistent with other City rebate
programs.
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PART 2:
CITY-WIDE FINDINGS
& RECOMMENDATIONS
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CITY-WIDE FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
For City rebates and reduced-fee programs, each department has worked to optimize its
program given available resources. However, lack of centralization between these different
Service Areas/departments has led to different approaches, including different methods for
leveraging community partners, variable eligibility thresholds affecting participation, and differing
levels of staff/programmatic resources available for program deployment. As a result, our
analysis suggests that each department that manages a reduced-fee/rebate program has
reached slightly—or in some cases very— different low-income populations. Diversified
approaches have also led to diffused impact, with several rebate/reduced-fee programs
functioning for decades but only reaching one out of three low-income households in 2018.
Some program cross-marketing opportunities have been encouraged: for example, a
comprehensive, citizen-facing list of discount, rebate and service programs for low-income
individuals and families was developed and posted online in 201852. However, no substantial
programmatic changes in eligibility, program design, resource allocation (dedicated FTE,
programmatic funding), application centralization or broader outreach efforts have been made
across the programs53. For applicants, this means an individual or family must submit a different
application with different required documents for each program and do so within each program’s
unique timetable.
ONLY HALF OF LOW-INCOME PEOPLE PARTICIPATE IN ONE CITY
REBATE/REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM
Estimating the number of low-income individuals in Fort Collins is a challenge. A suite of poverty
statistics captures different aspects of poverty, most of them outlining different and often
confusing income thresholds depending on different household size, respondent age or
household composition (e.g., a ‘family’ versus a ‘household’ versus a ‘mix’ versus a ‘single’
individual). Moreover, the existence of a large local student population further complicates the
picture.
Using application data from each of the three departments and controlling for estimated
overlaps between programs (around 18%), the Recreation Reduced-fee program reaches the
highest proportion of the City’s low-income people, followed by the FSA Rebates, followed by
the UAP. Note that the population of the biggest component of the UAP, the IQAP program, is
bounded by eligibility for state-wide LEAP. Less than half of all estimated low-income
households are currently not participating by one of the City of Fort Collins reduced-
fee/rebate programs evaluated (Figure 18).
52 See Discount Programs, Rebates and Services web page at fcgov.com:
https://www.fcgov.com/socialsustainability/discounts.php
53 The Low-income Application Working Group, with City staffers from Sustainability Services, Recreation, Utilities,
City Managers Office and Planning, Development and Transportation (PDT) have been meeting and working to
coordinate marketing efforts (online and paper materials) and share information 2018.
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Figure 18: Community-wide participation in income-qualified city programming
An important factor in understanding city-wide rebate and reduced-fee program performance is
to understand participation depth: in other words, do qualifying individuals and families
participate in only one reduced-fee/rebate program, or, do they take advantage of the multiple
rebate and reduced-fee programs offered across the City? Essentially, how well do these
programs perform together as a portfolio? Assessing participation depth may illuminate how
well-integrated these programs are (or are not). It may also suggest if City resources—including
outreach efforts—may be better leveraged between programs.
Analyzing participation patterns in the available data presents opportunities and challenges.
Because the programs are managed independently, each program retains its own unique data
collection approach and utilizes a unique system for data management. Recreation uses
RecTraq and a combination of excel spreadsheets; the FSA Rebates program manages
information via the Govern system; and Utilities IQAP participation data is stored both within the
LEAP program database and the CFCU customer database. Without a common, city-wide
customer relationship management (CRM) system, tracking an individual resident or household
with a unique ID number is impossible.
For the five-year period between 2014-2018, this evaluation matched 3,003 valid addresses to
an accepted application for one of the three evaluated City rebate/reduced-fee programs (IQAP,
Finance Rebates, and Recreation Reduced-fee passes)54. Within this pool, only 18% had
participated in more than one rebate/reduced-fee program. Put another way, 82% of application
addresses were included because of participation in only one City rebate/reduced-fee program.
54 Aggregating based on first and/or last names is unreliable for a number of reasons (e.g., name
duplications, data entry misspellings, under/overcounting when individuals sign up a household for
benefits). However crude, applicant addresses are used to track participation across City rebate/reduced-
fee programs, although the merging of datasets is time-consuming and not without drawbacks.
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Notably, 3,003 addresses do not equate to 3,003 households or individual participants. An
address may designate an apartment complex or mobile home park with many rebate/reduced-
fee participants living there.
As previously mentioned, low-income people have different resources and different decision-
making capacities than their non-poor counterparts, they represent a unique service group for
obtaining government services and participating in
government programs. When government programs are
designed without deep understanding of the poverty
context (i.e., how low-income people make decisions,
what resources they do/don’t have available, etc.)
poverty alleviation programs risk being ineffective.
VARIABLE COMMUNITY AWARENESS AND UNDER-UTILIZATION OF
COMMUNITY PARTNERS
17 individuals from nine non-profit organizations serving Fort Collins and Larimer County
residents were surveyed about their knowledge of, and collaboration with, City of Fort Collins
reduced-fee/rebate programs. These partner community organizations included CSU Care
Program, various UC Health/Poudre Valley programs, the Volunteer Income Tax Assistance
Program, Project Self Sufficiency, Neighbor to Neighbor, Energy Outreach Colorado, and the
Food Bank of Larimer County. Close to 80% of non-profit partners surveyed indicated they work
directly with low-income people
in Fort Collins.
Between 80-90% of
respondents were familiar with
the City’s reduced-fee recreation
pass and the Utilities IQAP
program. On the contrary, less
than half knew about the
property tax and utility tax
rebates managed out of the
Finance Department (35%)
(Figure 19).
As a result of differing levels of
awareness and intentional
collaboration, non-profits in Fort
Collins extend varying levels of
support for City reduced-fee and
rebate programs. Lack of full support from partners means lost marketing and outreach
opportunities as well as lost opportunities for direct assistance with application management,
etc. Across the rebate/reduced-fee programs evaluated in this study, IQAP, followed by the
reduced-fee recreation pass program, enjoys the greatest familiarity in the community and the
most direct non-profit support (Figure 20).
The FSA Rebates, with only seasonal FTE
support, has the least familiarity by and
direct support of community partners. In
particular, the property tax (PTR) and utility
sales tax (UTR) rebates are the least well-
known rebates and community partners are
Figure 19: Non-profit/Community Awareness of City Rebate Programs
0% 20% 40% 60% 80%100%
Sales and use tax rebates,…
Sales and Use Tax rebate,…
Reduced-fee pass (recreation)
Utility Rebates (energy…
NON-PROFIT/COMMUNITY
PARTNER AWARENESS OF CITY
REBATE PROGRAMS
In particular, the property tax and utility tax
rebates housed in the Finance Department, have
the lowest level of non-profit familiarity. It benefits
the least from non-profit support and
coordination
Cross-program participation is low – only
18% of participant addresses are linked to
two or more City rebate/reduced-fee
programs.
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not well-leveraged to support them. Moreover, based on interviews, a few individuals working
for the Larimer County Food Bank were unaware of the FSA Rebate program’s provision of a
grocery tax rebate (GTR).
Figure 20: How community partners support City-wide rebate programs
CITY-WIDE, LOW-INCOME PROGRAMMING IS INEFFICIENT AND
LESS IMPACTFUL
Limited success in cross-program participation currently means a reduction in the potential
combined impact of these programs—whereby the possible impact of the ‘portfolio of low-
income services’ could be greater than the sum of independent department init iatives.
It also means that each department charged with administering an income-eligible
program pays the ‘full cost’ of its administration, potentially re-processing the same
applicant annually for multiple City services or each expending the same time and energy trying
to reach similar participants in the community.
Moreover, lack of centralization between these different programs has led to the adoption of
different approaches, including different methods for leveraging community partners, variable
eligibility thresholds affecting participation, and differing levels of staff/programmatic resources
available for deployment. As a result, analysis performed for this report suggests that each
department that manages a reduced-fee/rebate program has reached a slightly—or in some
cases very different—low-income population.
DIVERGENT INCOME THRESHOLDS AND OTHER CRITERIA MEAN DIFFERENT
POVERTY POPULATIONS ARE TARGETED AND SOME ARE LEFT OUT
Each reduced-fee/rebate program evaluated in this study utilizes a unique threshold for
determining income-eligibility, based on household size: the Finance Rebates program uses
estimates of area median income from Larimer County; the Recreation Department uses 185%
6%
35%
29%
6%
12%
18%
12%
29%
12%
0%
6%
6%
0%20%40%
Social media annoucements
Direct support. E.g., help community
members fill out applications or find
necessary paperwork
Marketing support. E.g., hand out flyers,
provide application materials
HOW DO COMMUNITY PARTNERS SUPPORT CITY REBATE
PROGRAMS?
Sales and Use Tax rebates (PTR, UTR)Reduced-fee recreation passes
Sales and Use Tax rebates for food (GTR)Utility rebates
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of FPL (or verification of enrollment in PSD free-and-reduced lunch); and the Utilities IQAP
aligns with the state-wide LEAP program criteria of 60% of state area median income (see
Figure 21). For example, Recreation’s alignment with the PSD free-and-reduced lunch program
targets families with school-aged children, while the prerequisite of senior/disability status for
certain Finance Rebates ultimately targets a different demographic. As a result, each program
reaches individuals and families at slightly different income thresholds and with different
household compositions, making city-wide targeting difficult and applicant navigation a
challenge.
When compared to the other
income-qualified programs
the Finance Rebates
program sets the highest bar
for participation, meaning
they require an individual or
household to be relatively
worse-off than households
qualifying for IQAP (energy
assistance) or the
Recreation reduced-fee
program.
Moreover, the Finance
Rebates program requires
not only proof of relatively
more extreme poverty than
the other programs, but an
additional criterion of being
either elderly and/or disabled
to qualify (for the PTR,
UTR). Thus, even if an
individual or family qualifies based on income, they may not qualify based on age or lack of
disability.
In terms of outreach, the FSA Rebates program has been less successful than other City
rebate/reduced-fee programs, as indicated below.
x Finance: reaches ~8-10% of estimated,
overall income-qualified families. However,
this is likely higher due to additional program
requirements beyond income. 55
x IQAP: reaches 70%+ of Fort Collins based
LEAP qualified participants.
x Recreation Reduced-Fee program:
reaches ~80% of income-qualified families.
55 This does not take into account disability status or age, meaning that the penetration is likely much bigger,
considering these additional restrictions.
Figure 21: Cross-program Poverty Thresholds. Source: City of Fort Collins
departments/service areas
$-
$20,000
$40,000
$60,000
$80,000
12345678Annual Income Threashold# Individuals in a Household
INCOME THREASHOLDS FOR CITY
REDUCED-FEE/REBATE PROGRAM
Finance Rebates (50% AMI)
Rec. Reduced-Fee (185% FPL)
IQAP (60% state median income)
Compared to other City programs, the Finance
Service Area Rebates have the most restrictive
criteria for participation. They have the lowest
threshold for income (i.e., only the poorest qualify)
and 2 out of the 3 Finance rebates offered are
restricted based on age or disability status.
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WIDE VARIATION BETWEEN DEPARTMENTS IN TERMS OF RESOURCES
DEVOTED TO RUNNING LOW-INCOME REBATE/REDUCED-FEE PROGRAMS
There are several explanations for why the different service areas and different departments
have unique approaches to managing and income-qualified program. These include:
1. Delineated vs. non-delineated program budgets. This has ramifications for:
x Accurate knowledge of resources available for long-term planning and programmatic
investing;
x Alignment of resources toward achieving specific milestones;
x Accountability for use of resources toward achieving specific objectives.
2. Dedicated vs. seasonal FTE. This explains differences in:
x Marketing efforts;
x Ownership of the process and opportunities for process improvements;
x Relationship management with community partners.
3. Leveraging vs. non-leveraging of community partners. This has ramifications for:
x Ability to build awareness and effectively market to and reach challenging populations;
x Outsourcing aspects of program operations (application management, income
verification, cross-promotion, etc.).
Rebate
Program
Delineated
budget?
Allocated full-time
FTE? Highlighted FTE role(s)
Level of Community
Partner Support Utilities- UAP Mostly YES
x 1 FTE (Program
Manager; year-
round)
x 1.35 FTE (spread
out amongst 4 staff)
Cross-city coordination
Marketing, event support
Partnership building
Direct engagement with
participants
Process improvement
HIGH
x LEAP
x Non-profit partner
meetings Finance Rebates (UTR, PTR, GTR) YES PARTIAL
33% staff-time
(moved from
contractual, seasonal
position to permanent
position).
Application verification, data
processing
No cross-city coordination
currently
Seasonal marketing (not
year-round)
LOW
x As of fall 2019
Rec. Reduced-fee Program NO
Specific program
budget is not
clearly delineated
within larger
department
budget
PARTIAL
.75 FTE (spread
across multiple
people)
Application management
Application verification
Marketing/outreach with
PSD
MODERATE
x PSD knows and
supports this
program, but how
communication
between PSD and
City works is unclear.
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LOW-INCOME RESIDENTS ARE NOT VIEWED AS A UNIQUE
CONSUMER OF CITY-SERVICES
Typically, the ordinances underpinning a rebate reflect the neediest demographics of the period
within which they were written. For the FSA rebates, this would have been the poverty
population of the 1970s and 1980s. Council should consider updating these ordinances to
reflect the demographics of the low-income community today. For example, while seniors do
represent a vulnerable population in 2020, the evidence put forth in this Evaluation suggests
that attention should now extend to the families that represent the ‘working poor’ as well as
female heads of households (see pages 14-18).
Beyond a recalibration of criteria to better target and reflect the realities of poor individuals and
families in Fort Collins today, low-income residents have not been understood as a separate
and unique consumer of City services.
Per the discussion throughout the section entitled Background and Key Concepts, the following
questions about customer service and design were evaluated for each City rebate program
within scope of this report:
(1) What evidence exists that the
policy/program has been designed
for the ‘poverty experience?’
(2) What evidence suggests that this
program/policy hasn’t been designed—or has
more work to do—to accommodate the
‘poverty experience? Utilities- IQAP Moderate/significant evidence
exists.
x Marketing efforts are intended to
‘reach people where they are at’ via
the LEAP mobile ‘sign-up’ van, pop-
up events in the community and
presence at existing community
events.
x Strong collaboration with nonprofit
partners means leveraging the
existing relationships community
organizations already have with
low-income populations.
UNKNOWN—IQAP program is still in its first pilot year. Finance Rebates (UTR, PTR, GTR) Limited/no evidence exists:
x Individual staffers have
volunteered to help improve the
process in small ways, but lack of
a program manager has
complicated process
ownership/improvement
opportunity.
x Application materials have been
revamped for clarity but have not
benefited from a Human-Centered
Design (user-centered design)
approach.
NEED TO DESIGN FOR USER POVERTY
EXPERIENCE
Evidence: declining user-base
Possible equity issues – PTR and UTR are limited to
seniors and/or people with disabilities. A low-income
family can only apply for the GTR.
Evidence: aging user base
Limited impact: Weigh the efficacy of reaching low-
income people with the limiting age-specific criteria.
Evidence: online system lacks user-friendliness
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SUMMARIZED FINDINGS
Merging these datasets and considering the low participation rates plus the user design
opportunities and challenges among these programs, suggests the following about the City’s
reduced-fee/rebate programs:
x Close to 50% of low-income residents remain unserved by the City’s low-income
programs. Of those that do participate, only 18% of addresses associated with a low-
income resident is linked to more than one reduced fee/rebate program.
x Low-income people almost certainly find navigation of City services a challenge. If
the City is serious about low-income people as a unique customer service segment and
offering customer-centric service, low-income programming should be managed centrally
and coordinated intentionally with both FTE and programmatic resources.
x Departments struggle with income verification and are not aligned around poverty
thresholds. Not only does each department pay the ‘full cost’ of their program
administration, but their targeting is unfocused, each reaching a slightly different
x Unproductive online system means applicants must
transport themselves to City offices or send sensitive
information in the mail.
x Impractical hours (applicants must come to City
offices to drop off applications during work hours).
Evidence: process imposes high cognitive burden
x Applicants must remember seasonal application
window (August-October).
x Applicants must remember unique set of document
requirements.
x Unique income threshold that is dissimilar from other
City rebate/reduced-fee programs. Recreation Reduced-Fee Program Moderate evidence
x Type of passes offered, and
recreation opportunities
discounted were informed by
public outreach.
x Application has recently
undergone FC Lean ‘Form Fest’
review, which dramatically
shortened and clarified the
application.
x While application materials have
been revamped for clarity there
has not been an effort to
leverage Human Centered
Design (user-centered design)
concepts.
NEED TO DESIGN FOR USER POVERTY
EXPERIENCE
Evidence: declining adult use, despite high numbers
of impoverished adults
Reaching singles and adults is problematic for this
program; it primarily draws households with children.
Evidence: lack of information security
x Front-desk staff copy/manage sensitive applicant
information without secure privacy processes.
Evidence: application process requires moderate
cognitive burden
x Separate application is required, similar to other City
programs.
x Unique income thresholds that differ from other City
rebate/reduced-fee programs.
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impoverished population. Also, lack of standardization around management of sensitive
income verification documents is an underappreciated privacy and legal risk for the City.
x Unlike other unique populations, low-income residents are typically not considered
a unique customer segment and thus do not have dedicated resources available in the
City to support, navigate or advocate for the unique needs, behaviors and circumstances
of low-income people.56 57
x Ordinances underpinning several rebate programs reflect an outdated view of who
is low-income in Fort Collins. Consider mechanisms to continually update target
demographics, based on current data about what types of individuals and families are low-
income in Fort Collins.
x Lack of standardized data and data tracking makes assessing resident engagement
across City programs nearly impossible. Better systems are needed for understanding
how low-income people fully interact with—or are isolated from—available City services.
x Few staff resources (FTE) are devoted to managing successful outcomes for this
unique user group (low-income people). With resources available to better market
programs, develop relationships with community partners, improve application processes
and better deliver service to low-income residents, the City could improve cross-program
participation outcomes for this user group.
x Key community partners and non-profits are unaware of certain rebate/reduced-fee
offerings at the City. Without awareness, non-profits are unable to alert their low-income
clients of City opportunities and help improve City programming.
x Key community partners may know about some rebate programs, but they could be
better utilized. Of the non-profits and community partners surveyed, no more than 50%
actively support City rebate/reduced-fee programs either directly (by supporting low-
income clients to fill out applications) or indirectly (via marketing like posters or flyers, or
social media mentions).
56 For example, Key Accounts Representatives in Utilities manage relationships with select Utilities business
customers, Economic Health Office staff liaise with small business owners, and CityGive manages donor
relationships.
57 The IQAP program is an exception. It provides dedicated, year-round support to low-income customers served by
the IQAP, MAP or PAF assistance programs.
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CROSS-CITY REBATE PROGRAM
RECOMMENDATIONS
This evaluation highlights several opportunities for an improved, city-wide approach to rebates
and reduced-fee programs for the local low-income population. Less than 20% of the participant
data for the programs analyzed in this study indicates that low income customers participate in
more than City-managed rebate/reduced-fee program. Low-income people find navigation of
City services a challenge and siloed programming is minimizing impact and causing
administrative cost duplication. Each department pursues their own path for marketing and
outreach (or not) to a low-income customer type that a department itself defines in a vacuum.
The results have included divergent income and eligibility thresholds, different targeting
techniques and overall a less effective way to spend public funds for social impact. Without a
city-wide strategy outlining a common language, definition, design, and marketing approach, low
income people will continue to be overlooked as the unique users of government services that
they are.
Customer segmentation of low-income customers, prioritization, and program management
centralization could ensure that these currently siloed programs align to create a ‘portfolio’ of
integrated, cross-functional work. The Evaluation Team believes this can be undertaken in three
steps covering strategy, structure and systems:
1) Strategy: city-wide goal setting.
2) Structure: program centralization (a single application system paired with a dedicated
FTE, a ‘benefits expert’). The program should be governed in a cross-functional way,
with input and alignment happening among reduced-fee/rebate offering departments.
3) Systems: a commitment to program design principles that reflect the City’s
understanding that low-income people represent a unique customer segment.
(1) STRATEGY: CITY-WIDE GOAL SETTING
Departments implementing low-income rebates and reduced-fee programs typically operate
their programs in ‘silos’ with minimal resources and little city-wide strategic guidance. A set of
strategic City-wide goals to guide low-income programming should be shared across
departments. Strategic goal setting around low-income programming will also act as an
orienting principle, standardizing the language, metrics, marketing and resources utilized at the
department level.
Similar cross-functional programming efforts, where departments work towards specific
department-relevant goals that align to larger city-wide goals focused on low-income service
delivery, have been undertaken successfully before. See, for example, the staff and executive
governance model and execution underway with City’s current Climate Action work58.
For low-income programming, targets paired with City-wide goals should be researched
thoroughly and deeply considered, perhaps by a third-party. Topically, they may include:
x Promoting economic security with assistance in meeting basic needs (energy, tax relief);
x Opportunities to access high-quality cultural events and recreation.
58 City of Fort Collins Climate Action: https://www.fcgov.com/climateaction/
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Participation targets and success indicators should be linked to each of the articulated goals in
order to track and evaluate progress.
(2) STRUCTURE: CENTRALIZATION
Simply put, departments are developing and offering low-income rebate and reduced fee
programs in isolation and that’s both expensive and less effective than managing cross-
functional efforts centrally. At the moment, individual programs do not benefit from the
economies of scale that could otherwise come from strong collaboration. Instead, they
experience high administrative burdens and absorb duplicative marketing and outreach costs.
For low-income customers, they must navigate the multiple applications, unique and specific
entry requirements, differing deadlines, and keep track of individual program offerings.
Centralization could accomplish the following:
x Streamlined administration: obtain economies of scale and eliminate the duplicative
marketing, application management and income verification currently undertaken by
each individual department.
x Unified programming that maximizes impact: increase success of cross-program
participation with a single application.
x Meaningful marketing that targets the ‘neediest’ per Council and Executive
guidance: address these customers’ unique marketing and outreach needs and improve
customer service.
x Clear roles and responsibilities: centralize administration of low-income services with
dedicated FTE program manager(s) and cross-functional participation by relevant
Service Area Directors.
MODELS TO CONSIDER
Notably, the City of Fort Collins can benefit from centralization and navigation models already
underway with several non-profit and regional partners nearby. For example, the Larimer
County Public Health Department’s Human Services Department manages a single application
through the state-run PEAK59 application that, with an online application portal and
knowledgeable benefit experts, covers
multiple state and regional programs that
each have unique eligibility thresholds. A
potential customer comes in or enrolls
online, providing one set of documents
that can enroll them in multiple programs,
depending on which ones the individual
qualifies for.
Similarly, at UC Health, ‘navigators’ are
hired to help recently diagnosed
individuals navigate local, state and
regional services that can improve quality
of life or sustain successful treatment.
These navigators work closely with local
59 Colorado Department of Human Services: https://www.colorado.gov/pacific/cdhs/cash-assistance
Centralization models for similar program
objectives already exist in our community.
These include:
The “navigator” model used by non-profit and
for-profit partners like UC Health
Single application portals paired with
knowledgeable benefit analysts like the one
used by PEAK/Larimer County Human
Services Department
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stakeholders to manage cases and enroll patients in beneficial programs.
CROSS-FUNCTIONAL GOVERNANCE
Resourcing with a dedicated FTE (a benefits ‘expert’), should occur in tandem with a
commitment by each department and associated Service Area Director to provide alignment
and oversight. A cross functional governance structure—either via a steering committee or
executive-level committee— is essential to create department and service-area buy-in as well
as cross-collaboration opportunities.
MONITORING AND REPORTING
Without centralization, aggregation of participant data in individual programs remains a nearly
impossible challenge. For this evaluation, a unique, cross-sectional dataset had to be
constructed from individual datasets in various departments in different digital forms (logged in
RecTrac, in Access, buried in Govern, and tabulated in excel).
If centralization is to occur, successful programming will only happen when program managers
and leadership can use verified, accurate data to draw insights into program operation and
outcome success. For example, the integration of city-wide rebate/reduced-fee participation
data will finally be able to tell us who is participating, who is not participating and provide insight
into outreach improvements.
Assuming centralization and aggregation of data is possible—staff resourcing and programmatic
dollars for an online application system with back-end analytical capabilities of user-data would
be required—regular monitoring and reporting to leadership, Council and a relevant cross-
functional steering committee should be regularly scheduled.
(3) SYSTEMS: DESIGN FOR LOW-INCOME PEOPLE AS A UNIQUE
CUSTOMER SEGMENT
Low-income residents within the city must be seen and managed as a unique subset of City
customers—by central program staff, participating departments and the wider City organization.
Fortunately, the City has already engaged in efforts to segment customers and address differing
needs. For example, the City uses a cross-functional team to coordinate outreach, streamline
programming and synchronize relationship management with the business community, as well
as with philanthropic donors60. The
City’s Business Engagement Action
Plan (BEAP) represents a cross-
functional team that coordinates
responses to the business community
and co-manages business
relationships amongst the Economic
Health Office and the CFCU, among
other departments.
A common approach and design for
low-income programming will align
60 See the City’s Business Engagement Action Plan (BEAP), co-managed by a cross-functional group from the
Economic Health Office, Utilities Customer Engagement Team and City Manager’s Office. For the philanthropic and
donor community, there is cross-city coordination undertaken by the CityGive program.
Low-income residents within the city must be
seen and managed as a unique subset of City
customers.
Fortunately, the City has already engaged in
efforts to segment customers and address
differing needs.
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department efforts for this specific group using government services. Opportunities to recognize
and design for a unique low-income segment will require:
1. Development of a common language to describe the targeted population(s). Include
a standardized inventory of services and adopt a common measurement for determining
‘low-income’ status61. Specifically, this requires associated departments across the City
to:
x Agree upon a common definition of poverty or utilize an income range.
x Agree on how/when updates to this definition may occur, based on demographic
shifts and changes in economic status, costs of living, etc.
2. Adopt a strategic action and communications plan for a defined low-income
population for departments to follow.
x Establish a common communications approach when working with low-income
individuals or relevant community partners.
x Specify outreach and cross-promotion commitments for each department.
x Identify and agree on executive-level, department-level, and team-level roles and
responsibilities.
x Articulate executive-level support and specify how executive engagement will be
maintained.
3. Require departments to institute user-specific, human centered design principles.
Utilize these principles when developing, improving and managing programs that target
low-income populations.
x Prioritize Human-Centered Design when developing or making improvements in
programs targeting low-income people62.
x Recognize that people experiencing poverty do not make decisions like their non-
poor counterparts and that they face unique constraints and employ a unique set
of responses and behaviors.
x Minimize the time and cognitive costs for a low-income person engaging with a
City service. For example, prioritize:
o Shorter, simplified applications and eligibility criteria.
o Online application submission
o Leveraging programs low-income people already sign-up for. For example,
programs like LEAP, Medicare/Medicaid, free-and-reduced lunch, etc.
o Revisit the use of affidavits and other legal documents known to intimidate
vulnerable populations.
61 The City Rebate Taskforce has developed an inventory, but it is not clear the defini tion of ‘low-income’ continues to
be interpreted differently within each associated department and rebate program.
62 See Human Centered Design approaches: https://www.designkit.org/human-centered-design
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APPENDICES
A. NONPROFIT/COMMUNITY PARTNER QUESTIONNAIRE
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B. SPATIAL MAP OF IQAP PARTICIPATION
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C. UAP PROCESS MAP FOR IQAP
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D. UAP APPLICATION: IQAP
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E. UAP APPLICATION: MAP
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F. FSA REBATE APPLICATION
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G. SPATIAL MAP OF FSA REBATE PARTICIPATION
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H. FSA REBATE PROCESS MAP
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I. REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM PROCESS MAP
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J. SPATIAL MAP OF RECREATION REDUCED-FEE PARTICIPATION
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K. RECREATION REDUCED-FEE PROGRAM APPLICATION
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INTERNAL STAKEHOLDER COMMENTS
SERVICE AREA DIRECTOR COMMENTS
NAME: Kelly DiMartino
TITLE: Deputy City Manager
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or lessons
learned.
I found the structure of the report to be very helpful, with both individual program and cross-
city findings. Of particular note to me was that low-income people are not considered a
unique consumer of City services. I think this shift in thinking has the potential to drive
numerous service delivery improvements.
The findings specific to the Recreation reduced-fee program were also insightful. I
appreciate the recognition of the significant improvements that have been made to the
application process. Additionally, the findings regarding privacy risk help illuminate the need
for further process change.
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
My bias is to move toward the cross-city recommendations, acknowledging that it may take
additional resource to make this happen. With this Council’s focus on equity and inclusivity,
the timing seems good to implement the recommendation regarding establishing strategic
city-wide goals. Further consideration is needed regarding the best way to do this, and who
would lead that effort.
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
Job well-done! The evaluation provided valuable documentation and insights to consider as
we look to further improve the effectiveness of these programs. While I was part of the team
that agreed upon this defined project scope, I believe an important next step will be to
conduct a “review lite” of other reduced-fee programs, particularly in Cultural Services and
Transportation.
NAME: Jacqueline Kozak-Thiel
TITLE: Chief Sustainability Officer
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or lessons
learned.
I think one of the greatest impacts of this work will be the paradigm shift of how we
understand and serve our low-income residents as a distinct segment of our community
(with different needs, access points, etc.).
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
I am especially excited about the recommendation for how a coordinated strategy and
dedicated resource could result in achieving socio-economic outcomes and council’s priority
of a streamlined approach to low income offerings and increased participation.
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
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As always, this was so thorough and well done. I think it will have tremendous insight for low
income programs that are currently in design, such as broadband.
NAME: Mike Beckstead
TITLE: Chief Financial Officer
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or
lessons learned.
All comments have been shared at meetings and the majority have found their way to this
document.
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
There are several recommendations (i.e., combining the UTR with the IQAP) that can be
directly pursued by the FSA. Others will require a central point-person to pursue to avoid
having each of the three rebate programs develop individual solutions to common
problems. This includes the online application, central-point of access, and unified
marketing.
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
Great work and an outstanding report. Thank you.
PROJECT TEAM COMMENTS
UTILITIES AFFORDABILITY PORTFOLIO: Jamie Gaskill, Senior Supervisor; Lisa Schroers,
Utilities Affordability Program Specialist
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or lessons
learned.
The need for a city-wide strategy and program to address the needs of low-income
community members is ever-increasing. The working-poor is a growing population that
needs consideration when designing and implementing future iterations of low-income
offerings.
It appears that many of the [City’s] programs were created to fit a “need at the time” rather
than as part of a strategic plan. The program staff, the community members and the
community as a whole would benefit from a more strategic approach.
The findings regarding WHO is experiencing poverty in Fort Collins is helpful for us to direct
our efforts going forward.
While we were not surprised by the findings about the Utilities Affordability Portfolio we are
pleased that community partners have great awareness of the UAP. We will continue to
build on that awareness and will work with agencies to connect their clients to additional
UAP offerings such as building retrofits.
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
In Utilities we view low-income customers to be a unique customer segment and dedicate
resources to supporting programs that serve the low-income population.
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The UAP team is already implementing many of the recommendations in the report. Actions
underway include:
x Development of a strategic plan with measurable goals and objectives
x The strategic plan is accompanied by a robust outreach and engagement plan that
targets existing and new partner agencies as well as direct-customer outreach.
Additionally, the outreach and engagement plan includes collaboration with other city
departments that offer low-income programs.
x Analysis of the impacts of eliminating MAP and encouraging customers to enroll in
LEAP/IQAP instead
x Feasibility analysis of auto-enroll of CFCU customers who are LEAP qualified into IQAP
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
FINANCIAL SERVICES REBATE PROGRAM: Jennifer Poznanovic, Senior Manager, Sales
Tax/Revenue
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or lessons
learned.
Appreciate the thorough evaluation done to review income qualified rebates/programs
across three City departments for a more holistic approach. Already aware of findings for the
finance rebates but appreciate the well-researched and formalized report.
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
Great take-away to recognize and focus on a new customer segment across the City for
low-income residents. Collaboration across departments, more resources and time will be
needed to achieve many recommendations.
In the near term, looking forward to focusing on the grocery and property tax rebates out of
finance with an elimination of the utility rebate in lieu of the newer IQAP program out of
Utilities.
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
In the two years that I have been at the City, the Income Qualified Working Group and the
program evaluation have led to a better understanding of programs across the City with
more collaboration and breaking down silos.
RECREATION DEPARTMENT: Bob Adams, Director; Janice Saeger, Financial Analyst
1. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s findings or lessons
learned.
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I appreciated the acknowledgement of the unique target demographics and purpose of each
rebate program, whether to ease the cost of living in Fort Collins (basic needs) or
accessibility to quality of life opportunities (culture and recreation).
2. Please provide any comments you may have on the evaluation report’s
recommendations.
Centralization would offer greater efficiency for all programs with the correct level of
resourcing in staff and technology, however it may be challenging to increase cross-
participation in programs because of each individual’s situation, desires, and needs. This
ties back to developing a strategic City-wide goal of what is to be achieved with the rebate
programs as a whole.
Recreation has designed its reduced fee program in support of Strategic Objective 1.3 -
Improve accessibility to City and Community programs and services to low- and moderate-
income populations. (This objective has had many similar iterations over the years) The
practical application of this objective means anyone who meets the income qualifications
receives the benefits of the reduced fee program and is not turned away. As a revenue-
generating department this can/does have resourcing implications as the program expands.
If all program income qualifications are tied to AMI through centralization, consideration
should be made to increase the percentage of AMI used so as not to exclude a number of
Recreation’s current participants in the program.
3. Please provide any additional comments you may have.
No additional comments.
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STAKEHOLDERS, INTERVIEWS AND REVIEWERS
INTERNAL INTERVIEWS, STAKEHOLDERS
Aimee Housh, Specialist, Utilities Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Amy Resseguie, Senior Communications Specialist, Community & Public Involvement
Ben Belt, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Beth Sowder, Director, Social Sustainability Office
Blake Schlup, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Bob Adams, Director, Recreation Department
Dianne Tjalkens, Specialist, Social Sustainability
Jacqueline Kozak-Thiel, Chief Sustainability Officer, Sustainability Services Area
Jamie Gaskill, Senior Supervisor, Utilities Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Janice Saeger, Financial Analyst II, Recreation Department
Jenne Loffer, Senior Supervisor, Customer Support, Fort Collins Utilities
Jennifer Poznanovic, Senior Manager, Sales Tax/Revenue
Jolee Sawyer, Senior Supervisor, Customer Support, Fort Collins Utilities
Kelly DiMartino, Deputy City Manager, City Manager’s Office
Kendal Dawson, Business Support I, Fort Collins Utilities
Kevin Gertig, Utilities Executive Director, Fort Collins Utilities
Lance Smith, Director, Financial Planning and Analysis, Fort Collins Utilities
Lisa Schroers, Utilities Affordability Program Specialist, Fort Collins Utilities
Mike Beckstead, Chief Financial Officer, Financial Services
Peggy Streeter, Financial Analyst II, Planning, Development and Transit Administration
Pete Iengo, Senior Specialist, Public Engagement, Fort Collins Utilities
Rachel Spingob, Manager, Payroll, Accounting and Treasury
Rachel Wagner, Coordinator, Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Randy Reuscher, Lead Analyst, Utility Rate, Fort Collins Utilities
Ryan Malarky, Assistant City Attorney II, City Attorney’s Office
Salina Hemmen, Business Support III, Recreation Department
Stan Suppes, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Sue Jordanger, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Taylor Blomquist, Public Engagement Specialist, Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Tracy Brann, Senior Supervisor, Accounts Receivable / Billing, Fort Collins Utilities
Wendy Williams, Assistant City Manager, City Manager’s Office
Zachary Delissio, Supervisor, Recreation Department
EXTERNAL INTERVIEWS, FOCUS GROUPS, SURVEY RESPONDENTS
Colorado LEAP Program: Melinda Bennett, Eric Crosby
The Family Center, Deirdre Sullivan
Emma Chavez, CARE Program at CSU
Enrique Hernandez, Energy Outreach Colorado
Food Bank of Larimer County
Harry Love, Volunteer Income Tax Assistance
Larimer County Human Services Department, Laura Sator, Vanessa Fewell
Neighbor to Neighbor
Project Self Sufficiency: John Kinnaird, Stephanie Alley, Hannah Dahl, Neva Menchaca,
UCHealth: Deanna O’Connell, Jill Taylor, Laurie Zenner, Colette Thompson, Eileen Hendee,
JoAnn Herkenhoff, Karen Ramirez, Julie Knighton
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CITY OF FORT COLLINS FC LEAN FACILITATORS
David Suckling, Fort Collins Utilities
Jami McMannes, Recreation Department
Marcy Yoder,Senior Manager, Neighborhood Services
Rik Johnson, Planning, Development and Transportation
Roland Guerrero,Lead Specialist, FC Lean, Financial Services
RECEIVED DRAFT REPORT
Beth Sowder,Director, Social Sustainability Office
Bob Adams, Director, Recreation Department
Ingrid Decker, Senior City Attorney, City Attorney’s Office
Jacqueline Kozak-Thiel, Chief Sustainability Officer, Sustainability Services Area
Jamie Gaskill,Senior Supervisor, Utilities Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Janice Saeger, Financial Analyst II, Recreation Department
Jeff Mihelich, Deputy City Manager
Jennifer Poznanovic, Senior Manager, Sales Tax/Revenue
Kelly DiMartino, Deputy City Manager, City Manager’s Office
Kevin Gertig, Utilities Executive Director, Fort Collins Utilities
Lisa Schroers, Utilities Affordability Program Specialist, Fort Collins Utilities
Mike Beckstead, Chief Financial Officer, Financial Services
Ryan Malarky, Assistant City Attorney II, City Attorney’s Office
Evaluation Core Team members: Kathy Collier, Dave Lenz, Tyler Marr, Terri Runyan, Jennifer
Selenske, Crystal Shafii, Victoria Shaw, Jo Cech, Adam McCambridge, Dean Klingner
RECEIVED FINAL REPORT
All persons who received Draft Report, plus:
Aimee Housh, Specialist, Utilities Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Amy Resseguie, Senior Communications Specialist, Community & Public Involvement
Ben Belt,Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Carrie Daggett, City Attorney
Caryn Champine, Director, Planning Development and Transportation
Darin Atteberry,City Manager
Jacqueline Kozak-Thiel, Chief Sustainability Officer, Sustainability Services Area
Jeff Swoboda, Chief of Police
Jenne Loffer, Senior Supervisor, Customer Support, Fort Collins Utilities
Jolee Sawyer, Senior Supervisor, Customer Support, Fort Collins Utilities
John Stokes, Deputy Director, Community Services
Kendal Dawson, Business Support I, Fort Collins Utilities
Lance Smith, Director, Financial Planning and Analysis, Fort Collins Utilities
Nina Bodenhamer, City Give Director
Peggy Streeter, Financial Analyst II, Planning, Development and Transit Administration
Pete Iengo, Senior Specialist, Public Engagement, Fort Collins Utilities
Rachel Spingob,Manager, Payroll, Accounting and Treasury
Salina Hemmen, Business Support III, Recreation Department
Stan Suppes, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Sue Jordanger, Accounts Receivable / Billing Coordinator, Fort Collins Utilities
Taylor Blomquist, Public Engagement Specialist, Customer Connections, Fort Collins Utilities
Tom DeMint, Poudre Fire Authority, Fire Chief
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Utilities Income-Qualified
Assistance Program
10-20-2022
Pilot Wrap-Up/Discussion About Program Adoption
Heather Young, Sr. Community Engagement Manager
Shannon Ash, Utilities Affordability Program Manager Page 290 of 327
2The Utilities Affordability Programs Team
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3Why We’re Here Today
•Seeking Council approval to make the Income-Qualified Assistance Program (IQAP) an
adopted program (Yes and adopt ordinance or no)
•Follow up on existing program structure
August:
Internal Utilities Communication
September/October:
Boards and Commissions Communication
October 20:
Council Finance Committee
November 1:
Council presentation
2022 Timeline
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4Strategic Alignment
•Neighborhood Livability and Social Health (NLSH) 1.3:
•Improve accessibility of City and community programs to low-and moderate-income
residents and increase participation in services to eligible income-qualified residents.
•Our Climate Future
•Big Move 7 –Healthy Affordable Housing: Everyone has healthy stable housing they
can afford
•Big Move 12 –100% Renewable Energy: Everyone inn the community receives
affordable and reliable 100% renewable electricity, including from local sources
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Background
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6IQAP History
2013-2018:
Low-income program discussions; request from Council to explore further
2018:
IQAP launches as a pilot program
2021:
Pilot set to expire, Council approves pilot extension until 12/31/22
2022:
Decide on IQAP program
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7
Payment Assistance Efficient Home Efficient Practices Lower Utility Costs
How We Help Income-Qualified Customers Reduce Utility Costs
Utilities Affordability Programs
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8Payment Assistance
Medical
Assistance
Program
(Discounted
Rate)
Income-Qualified Assistance Program
~23% rate reduction
Customers are approved through the Low-income Energy Assistance Program
(LEAP)
Customers are automatically enrolled/renewed in IQAP based on LEAP
approval
Customers must be at 60% State Median Income or belowPayment
Assistance
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9Median Income Explained
Number in Household Income Limit
1 $33,109
2 $43,297
3 $53,484
4 $63,672
5 $73,860
6 $84,047
Number in Household Income Limit
1 $45,120
2 $51,540
3 $57,960
4 $64,380
5 $69,540
6 $74,700
Colorado State Median Income (60%) -2022 Area Median Income -Larimer County (60%) -2022
According to the 2020 Census, 16%of Fort Collins residents live in poverty.
https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fortcollinscitycolorado
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10Income-Qualified Assistance Program Impact
•Assumes a 10% increase in program participation for 2023 and a 15% increase in 2024.
•Estimated total reach is 10,000 households using a city-wide poverty rate of ~16%, based on 2021 Census Bureau data combined with
controlling for the student population in Fort Collins (City Rebates Eval Report, 2019).
•There are currently nearly 70,000 households in our electric service area.
755 759
1727
1900
2185
0
500
1000
1500
2000
2500
2020 Participation 2021 Participation 2022 Participation 2023 Estimate 2024 Estimate
Number of Participants for IQAP
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Outreach
•Engagement
•Monthly Utilities Insights newsletter
•Customer surveys
•Direct customer engagement at events and
through targeted outreach
•Participation in efficiency programs
•Outreach
•Increased outreach for the 2022-2023 LEAP
season. Events planned at the following:
-La Familia
-CSU (staff and off-campus students)
-Northside Aztlan Community Center
-Senior Center
-Old Town Library
-CARE Housing
11
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Program Update
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13Auto-enroll
•In 2021, we removed the IQAP application. Now, customers enroll in LEAP and staff enrolls them
in IQAP.
•Enrollment has increased 128%
•One less application for customers to fill out
•87% of auto-enroll customers are satisfied or very satisfied in the ease of auto-enrollment
•Less staff time to process
759
1727
0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
1400
1600
1800
2000
2021 2022
Average IQAP Participation
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14IQAP Impact
Energy Use Analysis
•Energy use from auto enroll IQAP participants initially increased by 2.9% on average (220 kWh/year)
•This increase likely reflects that households are no longer as concerned about paying their energy bills
choosing to keep their homes at a more comfortable temperature
•By year 3 of enrollment, both IQAP and non-IQAP participants had similar energy use
(20)
(10)
-
10
20
30
40
50
60
Dec-16 Apr-17 Aug-17 Dec-17 Apr-18 Aug-18 Dec-18 Apr-19 Aug-19 Dec-19 Mar-20 Jul-20 Nov-20 Mar-21 Jul-21 Nov-21 Mar-22 Jul-22 Nov-22
IQAP Participant Monthly kWh DifferenceCOVIDIQAP starts
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15IQAP Impact
"The IQAP program is an integral and essential part of our lives. Being on a fixed income is difficult and this
program makes it easier to continue to live in this beautiful city we have called home for many decades. We
use the money we save each month to buy essentials such as food, insurance, fuel, clothing, shoes. We do
not waste it or spend it frivolously. Thank you for offering the IQAP."
Customer Survey
Every year, participants in IQAP are offered an opportunity to complete a program survey. Participants are asked
questions such as, “What has been the biggest benefit of receiving the IQAP utility bill discount?” And “Is there
anything you would like to change about the Income-Qualified Assistance Program?”
Benefit responses included:
•increased quality of life
•being able to save money for other expenses
•decreased stress with paying bills
•being educated on ways to conserve energy
•budgeting on a fixed income
When asked about changes they would like to see to the program, a larger discount was listed
repeatedly.
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16Rate Reduction
•In 2021, Council requested that we evaluate whether a 23% rate reduction is still sufficient
•Methodology: Aim for low-income customers to spend a similar percentage on
utilities as someone who makes 100% of area median income
•Takes LEAP benefit and gas bills into consideration
•Recommendation: Increase rate reduction to 25% moving forward, evaluate every 3-5 years
Why? Since 2018, Utility bills have increased
more than income has increased.
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17Annual Financial Impact
*Based on 1727 enrolled participants. Prior projections estimated that 2,000 customers would be
enrolled during the pilot phase. Total cost is nominal (0.3% of $138M), would minimally impact other
Utilities customers.
23% rate reduction
(current)
25% rate reduction
(proposed)
Average annual discount/customer $220.50 $240
Average annual Utility cost*$392,000 $415,000
With a 25% rate reduction, customers would save an average of $20/month on their Utilities bill.
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Group Outcome
Energy Board –June 25, Sept. 8 Supportive of this program
Affordable Housing Board –Oct. 6 Supportive of this program
Council Finance Committee –Oct. 20
Water Commission –Oct. 20
18Boards, Commissions and Committee Feedback
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Question for Discussion
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20Why Utilities Rate Reductions Are Needed
•Income disparity and energy inequity exists in our community, largely driven by race, ethnicity
and low-quality housing
•“High energy burdens and energy insecurity are well-documented and pervasive national
issues. Even in 2017, a time of economic prosperity, well over one-quarter of all U.S.
households experienced a high energy burden.” (1)
•Utility costs continue to increase at a faster rate than income, locally and nationally
•Some customers are on a fixed income, especially seniors
•Inflation means people have less to spend on basic needs like utilities
•Without access to heating, cooling, and water unpaid utility bills can have dire health
impacts
•“It’s higher prices. It’s heat waves and increasing needs for energy.” (2)
•Additional factors
•Energy costs increase as we work towards carbon neutrality
•Climate change = hotter temps = more energy use
1) https://www.aceee.org/energy-burden
2) https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-08-23/can-t-pay-utility-bills-20-million-us-homes-behind-on-payments-facing-shutoffsPage 309 of 327
21Why Utilities Rate Reductions Are Needed
•Supporting low-income customers and providing energy equity aligns with the policies of Fort
Collins Utilities and the City of Fort Collins
•As a municipal utility provider, we aim to offer equitable service to all customers, yet a
significant portion of our customers are not receiving equitable service
•Utilities serve a unique role where we provide foundational services to community
members and, by offering these services at a reduced rate, we can ease some of the
burden of this disparity
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22Summary
•Adopting the Income-Qualified Assistance Program:
•Aligns with existing priorities
•Invests in our community -the total financial cost is small compared to the customer
and community impact.
•Would have minimal impact to future rate increases, given current and projected
participation numbers and a 25% rate reduction
•Is a responsible use of rate payer dollars because IQAP builds on existing benefits
through LEAP, leveraging this partnership to help share the cost
•Future updates on the impact of this program would be included in rates and fees updates
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23Question for Council
•Should the Income-Qualified Assistance Program become an adopted Utility program?
•Yes, adopt ordinance
•No
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THANK YOU!
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25Utilities Affordability Programs
One-Time Payment Assistance
•Payment Assistance Fund
•Utilities Pandemic Assistance
• Neighbor to Neighbor Funding
Reduced Rates
• Income-Qualified Assistance Program
•Medical Assistance Program
• Digital Equity Rate
Retrofit Programs
•Larimer County Conservation Corps Water and Energy Program
•Colorado Affordable Residential Energy
Outreach
•Utilities Insights Newsletter
• Direct customer engagement
• Outreach to agencies
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26Payment Assistance Fund
•Can receive funding once per season (Oct. 1 –Sept. 30)
•Bills must be past due
•80% of Area Median Income
•Energy Outreach Colorado matches funds 1:1
•Contact partner agencies to receive funding:
•Neighbor to Neighbor –970-484-7498
•Catholic Charities –970-484-5010
•La Familia/The Family Center –970-221-1615
•Discover Goodwill – 1-888-775-5327
•CSU (students and staff only) –970-491-8051
Payment
Assistance
Fund
(One-Time
Assistance)
One-Time Payment
Assistance
•Payment Assistance
Fund
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Funding source Where to apply Customers
served
Number of
customers
served
(2020/2021)
Amount
distributed
(2020/2021)
Average
per
customer
Utilities
funds
remaining
Utilities Pandemic
Assistance Fort Collins Utilities Residential and
commercial 647 $296,386 $458 $466,712
Consolidated
Appropriations Act
Neighbor to Neighbor Residential,
income-qualified,
renters
898 $261,734 $291 ?
Payment
Assistance Fund –
Energy Outreach
Colorado
La Familia
Neighbor to Neighbor
Catholic Charities
Discover Goodwill
CSU
Residential,
income-qualified 1,443 $562,380 $390 $333,961
CARES Act Fort Collins Utilities Residential and
commercial 1,423 $575,910 $405 $0
Total 3,528 $1.4 million $405.71 $1.1
million
27Financial Assistance During Covid
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28Reduced Rate Programs
Medical
Assistance
Program
(Discounted
Rate)
Income-Qualified
Assistance
Program
Medical
Assistance
Program
Digital Equity Rate
Launched in 2018 with
Time -of-Day electric rates
Launched in 2012 Launched with Connexion
~23% rate reduction ~23% rate reduction $19.95/month rate
Qualifications:
•Approved through the
Low-income Energy
Assistance Program
(LEAP)
•Automatically
enrolled/renewed in
IQAP based on LEAP
approval
•60% State Median
Income
Qualifications:
•Medically necessary
electric equipment or
air conditioning
•Physician certification
•60% Area Median
Income
Qualifications:
•60% Area Median
Income
Reduced Rates
•Income-Qualified
Assistance Program
•Medical Assistance
Program
•Digital Equity Rate
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29Equipment Repair/Replacement and Efficiency Programs
LCCC Water
and Energy
Program
(Basic Retrofits)
Retrofit Programs
Larimer County
Conservation Corps Water
and Energy Program
Colorado Affordable
Residential Energy
Basic inspection of home,
appliances, windows, toilets and
heating/cooling system
Comprehensive upgrades
available for air sealing,
insulation, HVAC, windows and
appliances
Install efficiency measures Assessment and efficiency
measures installed
Partnership with Larimer County,
Loveland utilities
Partnership with Energy Outreach
Colorado, Xcel Energy, Platte
River Power Authority
Annual program targets:
•350 assessments
•175,000 kWh
•1.9M gal water
Annual program targets:
•40 upgrades
•15,000 kWh
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30Get FoCo App
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31Charter Requirement and IQAP Purpose
Charter Article XII, Sec. 6:
All net operating revenues of the city’s utilities shall be held within the
respective utility’s fund and may be expended only for renewals,
replacements, extraordinary repairs, extensions, improvements,
enlargements and betterments to such utility, or other specific utility
purpose determine by the Council to be beneficial to the ratepayers
of said utility.
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32Arrears Analysis
Process Step Cost
Send disconnect notice (Printing and mailing)$0.60
Actual disconnect $6.06
Collect payment $5.15
Reconnect service once payment is made $6.06
Send customers to collections $6.06
Total cost $23.93
•When a customer is not disconnected the Utility saves ~$24/avoided disconnect in printing, mailing,
and staff costs
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33LIHWAP
Low-Income Household Water Assistance Program (LIHWAP) provides funds to assist low-
income households with water and wastewater bills.
•The City of Fort Collins is not able to participate in this program due to our current
billing system.
•Funds are required to only be applied to the water portion of the customer’s bill and
our current system does not allow payments to be separated per service.
•A new billing system is in the RFP process and will hopefully include the ability to
apply payments to specific utility services.
Colorado’s LIHWAP, which began in November 2021, is a temporary, emergency program
managed and operated at a state level by the Colorado Department of Public Health, where the
state is responsible for processing benefit payments to water service providers. Colorado’s
LIHWAP provides a one-time benefit payment for a maximum benefit amount of $2,000. To
determine the benefit level, Colorado will consider the amount past due to continue service or the
total amount to be paid to the water service vendor to re-establish water service by bringing the
household debt balance to zero.
•Enrollment in IQAP provides a year-round discounted rate on water and wastewater.Page 322 of 327
34LEAP and EBT Cards
The Low-income Energy Assistance Program (LEAP) program works to keep communities warm
during the winter (November through April) by providing assistance for heating costs, equipment
repair and/or replacement of inoperable heating tools. While the program is not intended to pay
the entire cost of home heating, it aims to help alleviate some of the burdens that come with
Colorado's colder months.
•The City of Fort Collins billing system does not allow for payments to be applied to
specific portions of a customer’s bill.
•Customers receive an EBT card in the mail for the benefit amount, withdraw the
money from the card, and apply it to their bill.
•Customer Care and Technology is requesting to implement a system that would allow
EBT cards to be processed as a form of payment.
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35IQAP Customers
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36Mobile Home Park Support
For most mobile home parks in Fort Collins, the property manager/owner is the utilities customer
for water utilities such as stormwater, wastewater, and drinking water, and the resident is the
customer for electric utilities. In this case, a park will receive a bill from the utility company for the
water services, which they may choose to then re-bill to residents or include these utilities as a
part of the monthly rent. Residents that are electric customers will receive their own separate
electricity bill from their provider.
If residents are charged individually for water, the following rules apply: Each month, property
managers must provide water billing information for the entire mobile home park’s monthly water
bill, amount owed to the utility provider, and amount paid by park management. Property
managers must also provide the formula used to calculate the amount each mobile home
resident owes for water. No additional administrative fees for water utility billing are allowed.
If water is included in the rent as an amenity, there are currently no rules regarding transparency
of water billing.
We are exploring a rebate program to assist residents with the water portion of their bill.Page 325 of 327
37Utilities Pandemic Assistance
Residential Commercial
839 customers 21 customers
$324,658.21 total funding spent $35,471.90 total funding spent
$386.96 -average per customer $1,689.14 -average per customer
Fort Collins Utilities received $469,000 from Platte River Power Authority and $381,550 from the American
Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) to directly support our customers in need as a result of the pandemic.
As of September 1, 2022, the following has been allocated:
A new program is being developed to reach property managers that will be able to apply for these funds to
cover inactive accounts that have been unpaid.
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38Utilities Finance Structure
•Utilities sets rates and fees for each Utility to cover the cost of service (electric, water,
wastewater)
•Funding is set aside for operating and maintenance expenses.
•Instead of a rate cost, IQAP falls under operating and maintenance expenses.
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